Rule of Third ဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ။
(Rule of third ဆုိတာ အေျခခံအားျဖင့္ကေတာ့ ကိုယ္ျပခ်င္တဲ့ အဓိကေနရာ Subject ကုိ အလယ္တည့္တည့္မွာမထားဘဲ ဘယ္ဖက္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ညာဖက္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေရႊ႔ျပီး ဓာတ္ပုံရဲ့ ၃-ပုံ ၂-ပုံေနရာမွာ ထားတာကိုဆုိလုိပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ့ကေတာ့ ပုံတပုံကို ဇယားကြက္ ၉-ပုိင္းခြဲျပီး ေနရာေရြးေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။)
http://photoinf.com/General/KODAK/guidelines_for_better_photographic_composition_rule_of_thirds.html
Like this. We've moved the horizon line to the lower third.
In general, place the horizon high or low in your scenics, but rarely in the middle.
Just as it's usually best to place horizons off center,
it's also best to place verticals off center. For instance, in the picture on the left,
the subject is centered, but on the right, the photographer got a more effective
photograph by simply changing the viewpoint.
(Rule of third ဆုိတာ အေျခခံအားျဖင့္ကေတာ့ ကိုယ္ျပခ်င္တဲ့ အဓိကေနရာ Subject ကုိ အလယ္တည့္တည့္မွာမထားဘဲ ဘယ္ဖက္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ညာဖက္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေရႊ႔ျပီး ဓာတ္ပုံရဲ့ ၃-ပုံ ၂-ပုံေနရာမွာ ထားတာကိုဆုိလုိပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ့ကေတာ့ ပုံတပုံကို ဇယားကြက္ ၉-ပုိင္းခြဲျပီး ေနရာေရြးေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။)
http://photoinf.com/General/KODAK/guidelines_for_better_photographic_composition_rule_of_thirds.html
Guidelines for Better Photographic Composition: Rule of Thirds
You can use the rule of thirds as a guide in the off-center placement of your subjects. Here's how it works. |
Before you snap the picture, imagine your picture area divided into thirds both horizontally and vertically. The intersections of these imaginary lines suggest four options for placing the center of interest for good composition. The option you select depends upon the subject and how you would like that subject to be presented. |
We picked the upper-right position for this subject so that we could see the full shadow and most of the tracks that lead to the seagull. |
The lighthouse seems well placed in the upper right just because the rest of the scene fits nicely into the format. |
Here's a case where you have excellent subject control. You can have the model pose anywhere along the walkway. The rule of thirds indicates this placement which also gives the model a definite path to follow within the picture area. |
You should always consider the path of moving subjects and, generally, leave space in front of them into which they can move. |
If you don't, here's what can happen! This jogger looks like she's going to run right out of the picture. |
By placing the subject in the lower-left position, we've used the rule of thirds and given the jogger plenty of room to run within the picture. |
Here's another action shot where it's important to leave more space in front of a moving subject than behind it. |
You can also apply the rule of thirds guidelines to the placement of the horizon in your photos. Here the center position of the boat and horizon results in a static feeling. |
Let's move the horizon to the upper third and the sailboat to the left. Remember, these are the only guidelines. So if you don't like this subject placement, try another. |
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သတင္းစာပညာအေျခခံသင္တန္း - ၂၀၁၃ ဇန္န၀ါရီလတြင္ ဖြင့္လွစ္မည္။
သတင္းစာပညာအေျခခံသင္တန္း - ၂၀၁၃ ဇန္န၀ါရီလတြင္ ဖြင့္လွစ္မည္။
အေတြ႔အႀကဳံမရွိသူ (သို႔မဟုတ္) တစ္ႏွစ္ေအာက္ အေတြ႔အႀကဳံရွိသူမ်ား
ေလွ်ာက္ထားႏိုင္သည္။
သတင္းေထာက္ျဖစ္လိုပါသလား။
တစ္လတိတိ သင္တန္း တက္ေရာက္ႏိုင္ပါသလား။
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္
အခမဲ့သင္ၾကားမည့္ တစ္လၾကာသင္တန္းတြင္ သတင္းေထာက္တစ္ဦး၏ အလုပ္အကိုင္အေၾကာင္း နားလည္ေစရန္ႏွင့္
သတင္းေထာက္တစ္ဦးအျဖစ္ လုပ္ငန္းခြင္၀င္ႏိုင္ရန္ လိုအပ္သည့္ အေျခခံပညာမ်ား သင္ၾကားေပးမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
နယ္မွလာေရာက္သူမ်ားအတြက္ လမ္းစရိတ္၊ အစားအေသာက္ႏွင့္ ေနထိုင္ေရး စီစဥ္ေပးမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
လြတ္လပ္သည့္
သတင္းစာပညာသင္ၾကားမႈတြင္ အေတြ႔အႀကဳံရွိေသာ သတင္းစာပညာသင္တန္းဆရာမ်ားက အနီးကပ္ ႀကီးက်ပ္သင္ၾကားေပးမည္။
မိမိကိုယ္တိုင္
သတင္းလိုက္ သတင္းေရး အင္တာဗ်ဴးေမးျမန္းျခင္းမ်ား လက္ေတြ႔လုပ္ရမည္။ အလုပ္ရွာႏိုင္ရန္
လိုအပ္သည့္ အဆက္အသြယ္၊ ကြန္ယက္ႏွင့္ အျခားလိုအပ္သည္မ်ားအတြက္ မိတ္ဆက္ေပးႏိုင္မည္။
သင္တန္းတက္ရန္အတြက္
ေအာက္ပါ ေလွ်ာက္လႊာေဖာင္ကို မိမိကိုယ္တိုင္
ျမန္မာဘာသာျဖင့္ ျဖည့္သြင္းရမည္။ ပဏာမ အေရြးခံရပါက လူေတြ႔စစ္ေဆးမႈ ဆက္လက္ေျဖဆုိရမည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသားေဒသမ်ားမွ
ေလွ်ာက္သူမ်ားကို အထူးလိုလားပါသည္။
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Media Activist
ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္ (၀၅-၁၀-၂၀၁၂)
Media Activist ကုိ နုိင္ငံေရးအေျပာင္းအလဲျဖစ္ေစဖုိ့ မီဒီယာနည္းနဲ့ျကုိးစားသူလုိ့ အျကမ္းဖ်င္း ဘာ သာျပန္နုိင္မယ္ ထင္ပါတယ္။ အခုေနာက္ပုိင္း မီဒိယာအသုံးအနံႈးနဲ့ အင္တာနက္အသုံးနႈံးေတြကုိ ျမန္ မာျပန္ရတဲ့ကိစၥဟာ သိပ္မလြယ္လွ။ ျမန္မာမျပန္ဘဲ မူရင္း အဂၤလိပ္စကားအတုိင္းသုံးတာကမွ ပုိျပီး အလုပ္ျဖစ္မလားလုိ့ေတာင္စဥ္းစားေနမိပါတယ္။ ထားပါေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ေျပာခ်င္တဲ့ကိစၥက ဘာသာျပန္ တဲ့ အေျကာင္းမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဒီေန့ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာ တဟုန္ထုိး ထြန္းကားလာေနတဲ့ Social Media (လူမႈ ကြန္ယက္ မီဒီယာလုိ့ တခ်ဳိ့သတင္းဌာနေတြကဘာသာျပန္ပါတယ္) အေျကာင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
(ဓာတ္ပုံ- Facebook ရဲ့ Facebook မွ)
တနည္းအားျဖင့္ေျပာမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ Media Activists ေတြသိပ္မ်ားလာေနတယ္ေပါ့။ ဒါက က်ေနာ္နဲ့ မိတ္ေဆြဖြဲ့ထားတဲ့ Facebook ေပၚက ေထာင္ဂဏန္းေလာက္ရွိတဲ့ လူတခ်ဳိ့ရဲ့ Timeline ကုိ ျကည့္ျပီး ေျပာတဲ့ ေရဘူယ်အျမင္ပါ။ ဆုိရွယ္မီဒီယာေပၚတက္ျပီး အရည္မရအဖတ္မရ ေျပာေနတဲ့လူေတြလဲ အမ်ားျကီးပါ။ ဒါကလဲ အရွိတရားတခုကို တင္ျပျခင္းသာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ေဆြးေနြးမဲ့အေျကာင္းရာနဲ့ တုိက္ရုိက္မဆုိင္ပါဘူး။
တကယ္က ေခါင္းစဥ္တပ္ထားတဲ့ Media Activist ဆုိတဲ့စကားလုံးကိုယ္တုိင္က သူမ်ားဆီကေန က် ေနာ္ငွားယူထားတာပါ။ ဒီစကားလုံးကိုျကားဖူးသလုိလုိ ရွိေနတာျကာျပီျဖစ္ေပမဲ့ ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့လအတြင္းက ေတာ့ ဆီးရီးယားစစ္ပဲြကုိ ဗီြဒီယုိ-မွတ္တန္းတင္ျပီး YouTube ေပၚတင္ေနတဲ့ လူငယ္တဦးအေျကာင္း CNN မွာျကည့္လုိက္ရပါတယ္။ ေခါင္းစဥ္က Media Activist တဲ့။
Strict Media မွ Social Media သုိ့
CNN မွာျပသြားတဲ့ အဲဒီ ဗီြဒီယုိ-သတင္းကိုျကည့္ရင္း ငါတုိ့ကိုယ္တုိင္လဲ Media Activist ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါလား။ ျဖစ္ေနဆဲပါလားလုိ့စဥ္းစားမိပါတယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္ ၂၀-ကာလလုံးလုံး ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာျဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့တဲ့ (အခု ထိလဲ တခ်ဳီ့ေနရာေတြမွာျဖစ္ပြါးေနဆဲပါ) လူ့အခြင့္ေရးခ်ဳိးေဖါက္မႈမ်ဳိးစုံကုိ ရတဲ့နည္းလမ္းေပါင္းစုံနဲ့ စုံ စမ္းရယူျပီး ကမၻာကသိေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ့ေဖၚထုတ္ခဲ့ျကေပါ့။
(ဓာတ္ပုံ- DVB ရဲ့ Facebook မွ)
၈၈-အလြန္နဲ့ ၂၀၀၇-မတုိင္မွီကာလေတြျကားမွာေတာ့ Social Media ကလဲမေပၚေသး။ အင္တာနက္ ဆုိင္ေတြ။ လက္ကုိင္တယ္လီဖုန္းေတြကလဲ မတြင္က်ယ္ေသး။ ယုတ္စြအဆုံး လုိင္းဖုန္းေတာင္ သိပ္မရွိ ေသးတဲ့အတြက္ ရန္ကုန္နဲ့ခပ္လွမ္းလွမ္းက ေနရာတခုမွာျဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့တဲ့ လူ့အခြင့္ေရးခ်ိးေဖါက္မႈသတင္း တ ခု ျပည္ပေရာက္ဖုိ့ (ျပည္ကေန လႈိင္းတုိေရဒီယုိနဲ့ျပန္လွြင့္မွ ျပည္တြင္းကလူေတြက ျပန္သိရ) အေရး က သိပ္မလြယ္လွ။
၂၀၀၇-ေရြ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာလမွာေတာ့ မီဒီယာ အခင္းအက်င္းက နဲနဲေျပာင္းစျပုလာပါျပီ။ ၁၉၈၈ တုန္းကလုိမ်ဳိး တုိင္းျပည္ကုိျခံစည္းရံုးခတ္ထားလုိက္ယုံနဲ့ လူေရာ-သတင္းပါ ထြက္လုိ့ ၀င္လုိ့ မရ ေတာ့တဲ့အေျခေနမ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ေတာ့။ လူေတြကိုေသနတ္နဲ့ေတ့ျပီး အမိန့္ေပးျခိမ္းေျခာက္လုိ့ရေနေသးေပ မဲ့ နည္းပညာကေတာ့ ေသနတ္ကိုေျကာက္ရေကာင္းမွန္းမသိ။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ေျပာမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ၂၁-ရာစုမွာ အရွိန္အဟုန္ျပင္းျပင္းနဲ့ ထုိးထြက္လာတဲ့ နည္းပညာကုိ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြ ေသနတ္နဲ့ ေတ့ ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ေနယုံနဲ့ အလုပ္မျဖစ္ေတာ့ပါ။
တယ္လီဖုန္းလုိင္းေတြကုိျဖတ္။ အင္တာနက္လုိင္းေတြ ေနွးသထက္ ေနွးေအာင္။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္လုံး၀ ျဖတ္ ထားတဲ့ျကားကေတာင္ သံဃာၤေတာ္ေတြရဲ့ လႈပ္ရွားမႈဓာတ္ပုံေတြ။ ဗီြဒီယုိ- footage ေတြက ျပင္ပ ကမၻာဆီ မီနစ္ပုိင္း။ နာရီပုိင္းအတြင္း အေရာက္ပုိ့နုိင္ခဲ့ျကပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ထိ ဒီေန့ေခတ္စားေနတဲ့ Facebook မေပၚေသးတာေျကာင့္ Blog ေတြကိုဘဲ့ အဓိကသုံးခဲ့ျကတယ္လုိ့ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ နည္း ပညာတုိးတက္မႈေျကာင့္ Media Activists ေတြက အသားစီးရသြားတဲ့ သာဓက တခုပါဘဲ့။ တနည္း အားျဖင့္ေျပာမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ Strict Media ကုိ ကုိင္ျပီး အစိုးရပုိင္မီဒီယာေတြကေန ''ငါတုိ့ေရးတာကို ဖတ္။ ငါတုိ့ေျပာတာကုိ နားေထာင္။ ငါတုိ့ျပတာကုိ ျကည့္'' ဆုိျပီး အမိန့္ဆက္ေပးလုိ့မရေတာ့။ ျပည္ သူေတြမွာ ေရြးခ်ယ္စရာ လမ္းစေတြ ရွိလာေနပါျပီ။
Social Media နဲ့ ဒီေန့ ျမန္မာ့သတင္းေလာက
ဒီေန့ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံလူဦးေရ သန္း ၆၀-၀န္းက်င္မွာ အင္တာနက္သုံးစြဲသူဦးေရ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရွိမွန္း အတိ အက် စာရင္းေကာက္ထားတာမ်ဳိးမေတြ့ရေသးေပမဲ့ အျကမ္းအားျဖင့္ကေတာ့ ၂-သန္းေက်ာ္ ၃-သန္း ေလာက္ ရွိမယ္လုိ့ခန့္မွန္းရပါတယ္။ လူဦးေရရဲ့ ၂-ရာခုိင္နႈံးေလာက္သာရွိေသးတဲ့အတြက္ တျခားနုိင္ငံ ေတြနဲ့စာရင္ အေတာ္နဲတယ္လုိ့ေျပာနုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီေန့ (သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရ) အစိုးရေခတ္ နဲ့ အယင္အစိုးရ (မဆလ-န၀တ-ေခတ္) ေခတ္ကို နႈိင္းယွဥ္မယ္ဆုိရင္ ဒါဟာ ၂-ဆနီးပါးတုိးတက္လာ တဲ့အေျခေနပါ။ အခု ဒိေဆာင္းပါးကိုဖတ္ေနတဲ့ ခင္ဗ်ားကုိယ္တုိင္ေတာင္ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့အစိုးရေခတ္က အင္ တာနက္ ဆုိင္ကုိမေရာက္ဖူးေသး။ email အေကာင့္။ Facebook အေကာင့္။ Twitter အေကာင့္ေတြ ဘယ္လုိဖြင့္ရမွန္း မသိေသးဘူးမုိ့လား။
ေနာက္ န၀တ ေခတ္ ျပန္ျကား၀န္ျကီးတဦးကဆုိရင္ ''မီဒီယာကုိ မီဒီယာနဲ့တုိက္မယ္'' လုိ့ေတာင္ ေျကြးေျကာ္လုိက္ေသးတယ္ေလ။ ျပီးေတာ့ ျပည္ပ မီဒိယာေတြဟာ ျပည္တြင္းေရးကို၀င္စြက္ေနတယ္ ။ မမွန္သတင္းေတြလြင့္ေနတယ္။ မ်ဳိးခ်စ္စိတ္မရွိတဲ့ ေဒၚလာစားေတြျဖစ္တယ္ေျပာျပီးေတာ့ "VOA, BBC ရန္တုိက္ေပးေနသည္။ RFA, DVB ေသြးထုိးေနသည္။ ခေလာက္ဆန္။ အေကာက္ျကံ။ ေလလႈိင္း သံ လူသတ္သမား။ နားမေယာင္ေလနဲ့ သတိထား''... ဆုိတဲ့ ေျကြးေျကာ္သံေတြကို အစိုးရပုိင္ သတင္း စာ ေနာက္ေက်ာဖုံးေတြမွာ စာလုံးမဲျကီးေတြနဲ့ေဖၚျပ ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ခဲ့ေပါ့။
အခုေတာ့ မယုံနုိင္ေလာက္ေအာင္ပါဘဲ့။ အဲဒီလုိျခိမ္းေျခာက္ခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ျပည္ပမီဒီယာေတြနဲ့ ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ခဲ့ တဲ့ အစိုးရျပန္ျကားေရး၀န္ျကီးဌာနတုိ့ပူးေပါင္းျပိး ရန္ကုန္မွာ ပူးတဲြ-မီဒီယာ စီမီနာေတြ လုပ္တဲ့ေခတ္ကို ေတာင္ ေရာက္ေနပါေရာ့လား။ ဒီလုိေခတ္ေကာင္းပီဆုိေတာ့လဲ မီဒီယာေပၚတက္လာလုိက္ျကတဲ့ လူ ေတြ (တခ်ိန္က စိုးရိမ္ျပီး ဘာမွမေျပာရဲ မဆုိရဲခဲ့တဲ့လူေတြ) ရပ္ကြက္ထဲမွာ အမ်ားျကီးပါဘဲ့လား။ Media Activists ေတြ မနဲမေနာ ပါဘဲ့လား။
အဲဒီထဲမွာ အစိုးရသစ္ ျပန္ျကားေရး၀န္ျကီးဌာန ဒု၀န္ျကီးေတာင္ပါတယ္ဆုိရင္ စာဖတ္ပရိတ္သတ္ယုံပါ့ မလားပါဘဲ့။ မယုံမရွိပါနဲ့။ ျမန္မာ့မီဒီယာေလာက တကယ့္ကုိေျပာင္းလဲစျပုေနပါျပီ။ ျပန္ျကားေရး ဒု ၀န္ျကီးကိုယ္တုိင္ Social Media တခုျဖစ္တဲ့ Facebook မွာ အေကာင့္ဖြင့္ျပီး Online Community နဲ့ တုိက္ရိုက္ ဆက္သြယ္မႈ လုပ္ေနပါျပီ။ ခင္ဗ်ားမွာ Facebook အေကာင့္ရွိတယ္ဆုိရင္ ဒု၀န္ျကီးကို သူ ငယ္ခ်င္းအျဖစ္ add လုပ္လုိ့ ရပါတယ္။ ျပီးရင္ သူ့ဆီကုိ တုိက္ရုိက္ Message ပုိ့လို့ရပါတယ္။ Like လုပ္လုိ့ရပါတယ္။ Share လုိ့ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြဟာ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၆-လေလာက္အထိ မျဖစ္နုိင္ဘူးလုိ့ထင္ ထားခဲ့တဲ့ အရာေတြေပါ့။
Social Media ဆုိတာ ဘာေတြလဲ
အြန္လုိင္းမီဒီယာအေျကာင္းေလ့လာသူေတြ။ Social Media အေျကာင္း သုေတသနလုပ္သူေတြရဲ့ အ ေျပာတုိင္းဆုိရင္ Mainstream (ပင္မေရစီးေျကာင္း) မီဒီယာေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ TV, Radio, Newspaper ေတြ မဟုတ္တဲ့ တဦးခ်င္းလြတ္လပ္စြာေရးနုိင္။ ေျပာနုိင္တဲ့ေနရာေတြကို Social Media လုိ့ေခၚပါတယ္။ ဆုိ လုိတာကေတာ့ အစိုးရ။ အဖြဲ့စည္း။ လူပုဂုိလ္ တခုခု။ တဦးဦးကေန တာ၀န္ခံထုတ္လုပ္တာမ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ တဲ့။ တဦးခ်င္း တာ၀န္ခံမႈနဲ့ (ဘယ္သူမွတာ၀န္မခံတာလဲျဖစ္နုိင္ပါတယ္) လုပ္တဲ့ မီဒီယာလုိ့ေျပာနုိင္ မယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။
အဲဒီထဲမွာဘာေတြပါသလဲဆုိေတာ့ အခုျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာ အထြန္းကားဆုံးျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ Facebook ပါ ပါ တယ္။ ျပီးရင္ LinkedIn, Twitter, Google+ စသျဖင့္။ ေနာက္တခါ blogs, YouTube, wikis စသည္ စသည္ အမ်ားျကီးပါဘဲ့။ စာရုိက္တာ။ ဓာတ္ပုံပုိ့တာ။ ဗီြဒီယုိ ပုိ့တာ။ ရွယ္တာ စသျဖင့္ ခင္ဗ်ားလုပ္ခ်င္တဲ့ အေျကာင္းရာေပၚလုိက္ျပီး ေနာက္ထပ္ အလကား၀န္ေဆာင္မႈေပးတဲ့ အြန္လုိင္း ဆုိရွယ္ မီဒီယာ ကရိယာေတြ အမ်ားျကီး ရွိပါေသးတယ္။ ဒါက ေလာေလာဆယ္ရွိသမွ်ကုိေျပာေနျခင္းပါ။ နည္းပညာက ေန့စဥ္နဲ့ အ မွ်တုိးတက္ေနတာဆုိေတာ့ မနက္ျဖန္ သဖက္ခါမွာ Facebook, Twitter, Google+ ထက္ပုိျပီး ေခတ္မွီ လူျကုိက္မ်ားတဲ့ Social Media ေတြလဲ ေပၚလာနုိင္ပါေသးတယ္။
Social Media ေတြဘယ္ေလာက္အထိျသဇာေကာင္းလာသလဲဆုိရင္ ကမၻာျကီးရဲ့တေနရာရာမွာ အ ေရးျကီးသတင္းတခုခု စျဖစ္ျပီဆုိရင္ AP, AFP, Reuter အပါ၀င္ Mainstream သတင္းဌာနေတြထက္ Facebook, Twitter အပါ၀င္ Social Media ေတြမွာ (သတင္းဌာနျကီးေတြလုိ အတည္ျပုခ်က္ယူဖုိ့ ေစာင့္ေနစရာမလုိတာေျကာင့္) ပုိဦးျပီးျမင္ရေလ့ရွိတယ္လုိ့ ေလ့လာသူေတြက ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒါေျကာင့္ Twitter ကုိ Social Media Wire သတင္းဌာနအျဖစ္ သတင္းေထာက္အေတာ္ မ်ားမ်ားက ပုံမွန္၀င္ျကည့္ေနျကျပီလုိ့သိရပါတယ္။ အလားတူဘဲ့ ထူးျခား ဗီြဒီယုိ-ေတြရနုိင္ဖုိ့အတြက္ဆုိ ရင္ YouTube ကုိ ရုပ္-သံ သတင္းေထာက္ေတြက ပုံမွန္၀င္ျကည့္ေနျကျပီလုိ့လဲဆုိပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာသတင္းသမားတခ်ဳိ့။ Media Activist တခ်ဳိ့ေတြလဲ ဒီလုိဘဲ့၀င္ျကည့္ေနျကမယ္လုိ့ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့
အေရးျကီးဆုံးတခ်က္ကေတာ့ Social Media ဆုိတာဟာ ေရွ့မွာ နိဒါန္းခံခဲ့တဲ့အတုိင္း ဘယ္သူမွ တာ၀န္ခံ မႈအတိအက်မရွိတဲ့အတြက္။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ တေယာက္ေယာက္ လက္ေဆာ့ျပီး။ ေနာက္ေျပာင္ျပီးျဖစ္ေစ။ တမင္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ့ျဖစ္ေစ မမွန္သတင္း။ ခ်ဲ့ကားသတင္း စသျဖင့္ တင္မထားဘူးလုိ့ မဆုိနုိင္ပါဘူး။
ဒါေျကာင့္ Social Media ကုိ သတင္းအစအန ရနုိင္တဲ့ Initial Sources တခုအေနနဲ့ဘဲ့သေဘာထားျပီး အဲဒီက ရသမွ်အခ်က္လက္တုိင္းကို အတည္ျပုခ်က္ရေအာင္လုပ္ဖို့။ အင္တာဗ်ဳးေတြရေအာင္လုပ္ဖုိ့ လုိတယ္လုိ့ မီဒီယာျကြမ္းက်င္သူေတြကေျပာပါတယ္။
Twitter ဟာ Social Media ရဲ့ သတင္းဌာလုိ့ေတာင္ တင္စားေခၚေနျကေပမဲ့ ျမန္မာအြန္လုိင္း ကြန္ျမူနတီမွာေတာ့ အခုခ်ိန္ထိ Facebook တခုကိုဘဲ့ ျကယ္ျကယ္ျပန့္ျပန့္သုံးေနတာေတြ့ရျပီး တျခားမီဒီယာေတြကိုသုံးတာ သိပ္မေတြ့ရေသးပါဘူး။ တာ၀န္ခံမႈ။ တာ၀န္ယူမႈအရဆုိရင္ Twitter ဟာ အေကာင္းဆုံးျဖစ္တယ္လို့ေလ့လာသူေတြကေျပာေနေပမဲ့ ျမန္မာ ေတြအျကား Twitter သုံးတာ သိပ္မေတြ့ရေသးပါဘူး။
Media Activists ေတြ အြန္လုိင္းေပၚ ဘာေတြတင္ေနသလဲ
ျပန္ျကားေရးဌာန ဒု ၀န္ျကီးကိုယ္တုိင္ Social Media ကုိသုံးေနျပီျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံရဲ့ Social Media လႈိင္းဟာ တျခားနုိင္ငံေတြထက္ သုံးစဲြသူဦးေရနဲေနေသးရင္ေတာင္ အေရးပါအရာေရာက္မႈက ေတာ့ မေလ်ာ့နုိင္ဘူးလုိ့ထင္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံအတြင္း သတင္းတခုျဖစ္ျပီဆုိတာနဲ့ BBC, VOA, RFA, DVB ေရဒီယုိေတြမွာ သတင္းမလာခင္။ ဧရာ၀တီ။ မဇ်ိမ။ စသျဖင့္ အင္တာနက္ေတြမွာ သတင္းမလာ ခင္။ ယုတ္စြအဆုံး ျပည္တြင္း ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြရဲ့ အင္တာနက္စာမ်က္နွာမွာေတာင္ သတင္းမတက္ခင္မွာ Facebook မွာ အယင္ျမင္ေနရတာကို က်ေနာ္သတိျပုမိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ အေရးျကီးတာကေတာ့ ဘယ္လုိသတင္းေတြတင္ေနတာလဲ ဆုိတာကိုေတာ့ အြန္လုိင္းကြန္ျမူန တီကပုဂုိလ္ေတြ အေသခ်ာေလ့လာဖုိ့လိုမယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။ ၀န္ျကီးက သူဌာနေကာင္းေျကာင္းေတြခ်ည္း တင္ေနသလား။ နုိင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြက သူတုိ့ပါတီ ၀ါဒျဖန့္ခ်ီေရးေတြခ်ည္းတင္ေနတာလား။ ပရိတ္သတ္ အမ်ားစုက အဲဒီလုိ အထင္ကရ နည္မည္ျကီးသူေတြ တင္တာေနာက္ကုိဘဲ့လုိက္ျပီး Like လုပ္လုိက္။ Share လုပ္လုိက္။ Comment ေရးလုိက္လုပ္ေနျကတာလား။ တကယ့္ အဖိနွိပ္ခံျပည္သူေတြရဲ့ဘ၀ နစ္နာမႈအေျကာင္း တင္ျပတဲ့သတင္းေတြ။ လူအမ်ားစုနဲ့ဆုိင္တဲ့သတင္းေတြကုိ Like, Share, Comment လုပ္ေနျကာတာလား။
အမွန္တုိင္း၀န္ခံရရင္ သတင္းျဖစ္တဲ့အရပ္နဲ့အေ၀းျကီးမွာေရာက္ေနတဲ့ က်ေနာ့္လုိပုဂုိလ္မ်ဳိးေတြက ေတာ့ ဘာပုံမွ ကုိယ္ပုိင္တင္ဖုိ့သိပ္မလြယ္လွပါဘူး။ ဒီေတာ့ သူမ်ားတင္ထားတဲ့ ပုံေတြကိုဘဲ့ အမ်ားျပည္ သူသိသင့္တယ္ထင္ရင္ ထပ္ Share ေပါ့။ Comment ေရးေပါ့။ Like လုပ္ေပါ့။ ဒါဟာ ဒီေန့ အေ၀း ေရာက္ အြန္လုိင္းကြန္ျမူနတီက ပုဂုိလ္ေတြရဲ့ ေန့စဥ္လုပ္ငန္းေတြထဲက တခုဘဲ့မုိ့လား။
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္မွာ စစ္ပဲြေတြဆက္ျဖစ္ေနဆဲပါ။ ဒီအေျကာင္း သတင္း။ ဓာတ္ပုံ။ ဗီြဒီယုိ ပုံ ဘယ္ေလာက္ မ်ားမ်ား Facebook မွာတက္ေနသလဲ။ ဆီးရီးယားက Media Activist လုိ စစ္ပဲြထဲအထိ၀င္ျပီး ဗီြဒီယုိရုိက္ YouTube ေပၚတင္သူ။ Facebook ေပၚတင္သူ ဘယ္နွစ္ဦးရွိသလဲ။ ရသမွ် တင္ထားတဲ့ ထဲက သတင္းေတြ။ ပုံေတြကို လူဘယ္ေလာက္မ်ားမ်ားက Like, Share, Comment လုပ္ျကသလဲ။
မုံရြာ ေျကးနီေတာင္ဖက္မွာ နုိင္ငံျခားရင္းနွီးျမႈပ္နံွမႈဆုိင္ရာျပသာနာေတြ။ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ဆုိင္ရာ ျပသာနာေတြ။ လယ္ေျမအသိမ္းခံရမႈျပသာနာေတြ ရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဆီးရီးယားက Media Activist လုိ အခင္းျဖစ္တဲ့ေနရာအထိ၀င္ျပီး ဗီြဒီယုိရုိက္ YouTube ေပၚတင္သူ။ Facebook ေပၚတင္သူ ဘယ္ နွစ္ဦးရွိသလဲ။ ရသမွ် တင္ထားတဲ့ထဲက သတင္းေတြ။ ပုံေတြကို လူဘယ္ေလာက္မ်ားမ်ားက Like, Share, Comment လုပ္ျကသလဲ။
မႏၱေလးတုိင္း။ ဧရာ၀တီတုိင္းနဲ့ ေနရာတခ်ဳိ့မွာ ေရးျကီးေရလွ်ံျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ တခ်ိန္းမွာဘဲ့ စစ္တပ္နဲ့ စစ္တပ္ေနာက္ခံေပးထားတဲ့ စီးပြါးေရးသမားေတြက လယ္သမားပုိင္ လယ္ေတြကို အတင္းအဓၵမသိမ္း ထားတာအမ်ားျကီးရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဆီးရီးယားက Media Activist လုိ အခင္းျဖစ္တဲ့ ေနရာအထိ ၀င္ျပီး ဗီြဒီယုိရုိက္ YouTube ေပၚတင္သူ။ Facebook ေပၚတင္သူ ဘယ္နွစ္ဦးရွိသလဲ။ ရသမွ် တင္ ထားတဲ့ထဲက သတင္းေတြ။ ပုံေတြကို လူဘယ္ေလာက္မ်ားမ်ားက Like, Share, Comment လုပ္ျက သလဲ။
ထား၀ယ္ေရနက္ဆိပ္ကမ္းစီမံကိန္းအတြက္ နုိင္ငံျခားရင္းနီွးမႈဆုိင္ရာျပသာနာေတြ။ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္း က်င္ဆုိင္ရာျပသာနာေတြ။ ေျမယာသိမ္းမႈေတြ။ လက္နက္ကုိင္ အခြန္ေကာက္မႈေတြ အမ်ားျကီး ျဖစ္ ေနပါတယ္။ ဆီးရီးယားက Media Activist လုိ အခင္းျဖစ္တဲ့ေနရာအထိ၀င္ျပီး ဗီြဒီယုိရုိက္ YouTube ေပၚတင္သူ။ Facebook ေပၚတင္သူ ဘယ္နွစ္ဦးရွိသလဲ။ ရသမွ် တင္ထားတဲ့ထဲက သတင္းေတြ။ ပုံ ေတြကို လူဘယ္ေလာက္မ်ားမ်ားက Like, Share, Comment လုပ္ျကသလဲ။
(ဓာတ္ပုံ- Dawei Watch မွ)
ဒီဥပမာေတြဟာ အဖိနွိပ္ခံလူထု။ အမ်ားျပည္သူေတြရဲ့ဘ၀နဲ့ဆက္စပ္ေနတဲ့အတြက္ အေရးျကီးတယ္လုိ့ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ စစ္ေျမျပင္။ ေက်းလက္ေဒသ။ ေတာျကုိေတာင္ျကား။ ေလွတတန္။ ကားတတန္ နဲ့ သြားရမဲ့ေနရာေတြဆုိေတာ့ သတင္းယူဖုိ့ ခက္တာေပါ့။ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ပါလီမန္။ ရန္ကုန္က စီမီနာ။ ပါတီဌာနခ်ဳပ္က သတင္းစာရွင္းပဲြေတြေလာက္ ဘယ္လြယ္ပါ့မလဲ။
ကဲ...ခင္ဗ်ား ဘယ္ေနရာေတြကိုသြားျပီး ဘာပုံေတြတင္မလဲ။ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ကိုလား-လုိြင္ဇာကုိလား။ ရန္ကုန္ကိုလား- ေျကးနီးေတာင္ကိုလား။ ပါတီဌာနခ်ဳပ္ကိုလား- ေက်းလက္ကပါတီ၀င္ေတြဆီကုိလား။
Media Activist ေတြ ပုိမုိထြန္းကားလာဖုိ့ ေမ်ာ္လင့္ရင္း...။
ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္။
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“Role of New Media and Technology in Socioeconomic Development of Myanmar” ေဟာေျပာမည္
သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္ ႏွင့္ ဆက္သြယ္ေရး နည္းပညာဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳး တိုးတက္ေစေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကြန္ပ်ဴတာ ပညာရွင္အသင္း (MCPA) ႏွင့္ ကုလသမဂၢဖြ႔ံၿဖိဳးမႈအစီအစဥ္(UNDP
ီးေသာင္းစုၿငိမ္း၊
ဦးေက်ာ္မင္းေဆြ၊ ဦးရတနာ တို႔႔ က “Role of New Media and Ttechnology in
Socioeconomic Development of Myanmar” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္ ေဟာေျပာေဆြးေႏြးမည္
ျဖစ္သည္။
အဆိုပါေဟာေျပာပြဲသို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကြန္ပ်ဴတာပညာရွင္အ သင္းဝင္မ်ားႏွင့္ စိတ္ပါဝင္စားသူမည္သူမဆို (အခမဲ့) တက္ေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးႏိုင္သည္။ အေသးစိတ္သိရွိလိုပါက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကြန္ပ်ဴတာပညာရွင္အ သင္း႐ံုးခန္း၊ အေဆာင္(၄)၊ အခန္း(၄)၊ MICT Park, ဖုန္း-၆၅၂၂၇၆၊ ၀၉-၇၃၀၈၈၃၀၀ သို႕ဆက္သြယ္ ေမးျမန္းႏိုင္သည္။
အဆိုပါေဟာေျပာပြဲသို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကြန္ပ်ဴတာပညာရွင္အ
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သင္တန္းအသစ္တခု ထပ္ဖြင့္မည္
ေရဒီယုိသတင္းေထာက္ သင္တန္း
by J-School Network
on Sunday, September 9, 2012 at 3:50pm ·
၂ ပတ္ၾကာသင္တန္း - ၂၀၁၂
ေအာက္တိုဘာ (၈)ရက္ စတင္မည္။
မဂၤလာပါ။ အင္တာႏ်ဴးစ္မွ
ႏႈတ္ခြန္းဆက္ပါသည္။
သင္တန္းသား
(၁၀)ဦးသာ ေရြးခ်ယ္ေခၚယူမည့္ ေရဒီယုိသတင္းေထာက္သင္တန္းကို အင္တာႏ်ဴးစ္
ခ်င္းမိုင္သတင္းပညာသင္ေက်ာင္း (J-School) တြင္ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ (၈)ရက္မွ (၁၉)ရက္အတြင္း
ေခၚယူက်င္းပမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
သင္တန္းတြင္
အဓိကသင္ၾကားမည္မွာ မိမိတစ္ဦးထဲႏွင့္
ေရဒီယိုသတင္းမ်ား ေပးပို႔ႏိုင္ရန္ လိုအပ္သည့္ နည္းပညာမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။
ေရဒီယိုအတြက္ မိုဘိုင္းဖုန္း၊ အသံဖမ္းစက္၊ လက္ေတာ့ပ္ကြန္ျပဴတာ ကိုင္တြယ္နည္းမ်ား
ပါ၀င္မည္။ သမရိုးက်ပုံႏွိပ္သတင္းႏွင့္ ေရဒီယိုအၾကား သတင္းေရးသားနည္း ကြာျခားပုံ၊
ေရဒီယုိအတြက္ လိုအပ္သည့္ အသံမ်ဳိးစုံ ဖမ္းယူနည္း၊ အင္တာဗ်ဴးလုပ္ပုံ၊
ေရဒီယိုသတင္းလႊာျဖစ္ေစရန္ တည္းျဖတ္ေပါင္းစပ္ပုံ၊ ဖုန္းႏွင့္ အီးေမးမွတဆင့္
သတင္းေပးပို႔နည္းမ်ား ေလ့က်င့္သင္ၾကားမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
ေရဒီယိုေဆာင္းပါး
(Feature)၊ သီးသန္႔အစီအစဥ္ (Programme) စသည့္ ထုတ္လုပ္ ဖန္တီးမႈမ်ား သင္ၾကားမည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။
စတူဒီယိုတြင္းထုတ္လုပ္ ဖန္တီးမႈဆိုင္ရာ အသံဖမ္း၊ တည္းျဖတ္ ေပါင္းစပ္မႈမ်ား
ပါ၀င္မည္မဟုတ္ပါ။ သတင္းေနာက္
ေျခရာခံကာ အျပင္ထြက္ သတင္းလိုက္ယူမည့္ သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား အတြက္
အထူးသီးသန္႔သင္ၾကားမည့္ သင္တန္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။
တက္ေရာက္ႏိုင္ေသာ
သတင္းေထာက္အမ်ဳိးအစားမ်ား။
1) ပုံႏွိပ္သတင္း
(အြန္လိုင္းသတင္း) ေရးသားမႈ၊ သတင္းရယူမႈ အေတြ႔အႀကဳံ ရွိထားၿပီး ေရဒီယိုသတင္းေထာက္
ျဖစ္ရန္ စိတ္၀င္စားသူမ်ား။
2) ပူပူေႏြးေႏြး
ေရဒီယုိသတင္းေထာက္ ျဖစ္လာသူ အလြတ္သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား - ျပည္နယ္သတင္းရယူသူမ်ား ႏွင့္
အထူးသင့္ေတာ္မည္။
3) သင္တန္းၿပီးသည့္ေနာက္
ေရဒီယုိသတင္းမ်ား ေရးသားေပးပို႔ရန္ အစီအစဥ္ရွိထားသူမ်ားကို ဦးစားေပး ေရြးခ်ယ္
ေခၚယူမည္။
လိုအပ္သည့္
အရည္အခ်င္းမ်ား
- သတင္းလုပ္သက္ အနည္းဆုံး တစ္ႏွစ္။
- ကြန္ျပဴတာတြင္ ျမန္မာစာ ရိုက္တတ္သူ။ ကြန္ျပဴတာ အသုံးျပဳတတ္သူ။
- ျမန္မာစာ ကၽြမ္းက်င္ရမည္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားဘာသာစကား တတ္ကၽြမ္းပါက ပိုေကာင္းမည္။
သင္တန္းကာလ
ခံစားခြင့္မ်ား
- (၂)ပတ္ၾကာ သင္တန္းကာလ ေထာက္ပံ့ေၾကး ထိုင္းဘတ္ေငြ (၃၀၀၀) ခ်ီးျမႇင့္မည္။
- ခရီးစရိတ္၊ ေနထိုင္ စားေသာက္မႈမ်ား ၀န္ေဆာင္မႈေပးမည္။
- သင္တန္းၿပီးသည့္ေနာက္ ဂရန္႔အစီအစဥ္တြင္ မိမိသတင္းလိုက္ယူလိုသည့္ အစီအစဥ္မ်ားကို ေလွ်ာက္ထား ႏိုင္မည္။
- မိမိအလိုရွိပါက သင္တန္းၿပီးသည့္ေနာက္ သင္တန္းဆရာမ်ား ထံမွ အႀကံေပး သင္ၾကား ကူညီမႈ ရယူႏိုင္မည္။
ေလွ်ာက္လႊာေဖာင္ပိတ္ရက္မွာ
စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၉ ရက္ျဖစ္သည္။
ေလွ်ာက္လႊာေဖာင္ကို
info@jschoolnewslab.com သို႔ပို႔ေပးပါရန္။
ေဖာင္လိုအပ္ပါက
အထက္ပါေမးလ္လိပ္စာကို ဆက္သြယ္ပါ။
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(ဒါ့အျပင္ လုပ္သက္ရင့္ ေရဒီယုိသတင္းေထာက္တဦး တနွစ္စာ အလိုရွိေျကာင္းလဲ အင္တာနယူးမွ ဖိတ္ေခၚထားတာေတြ့ရပါသည္)
ေရဒီယုိ
ထုတ္လုပ္ေရးမွဴး အလိုရွိသည္။
အေတြ႔အႀကဳံရွိေသာ ေရဒီယို
ထုတ္လုပ္ေရးမွဴး တစ္ဦး အလုိရွိပါသည္။
ေနရာ - ရန္ကုန္ ။
ကာလ - တစ္ႏွစ္ ။
လစာ - သင့္ေတာ္သူအတြက္
ထိုက္တန္စြာေပးမည္။
အလုပ္တာ၀န္။
ေရဒီယုိထုတ္လုပ္ေရးမွဴးသည္
ေဒသခံေရဒီယို သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား ႏွင့္ အစီအစဥ္ဖန္တီးသူမ်ား လာေရာက္ အသုံးျပဳမည့္ စတူဒီယိုတစ္ခု၏
လုပ္ငန္း စတင္ေရး၊ ပုံမွန္လည္ပတ္ေရးအတြက္ တာ၀န္ယူရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ၎တို႔၏ သတင္းပို႔ေရး၊
အစီအစဥ္ထုတ္လုပ္ေရးမ်ားတြင္လည္း အကူအညီ ေပးရမည္။
ထို႔အျပင္ ေဒသတြင္းရွိ ေရဒီယုိဌာနမ်ား
ႏွင့္လည္း ၎တို႔၏ သတင္းႏွင့္ အစီအစဥ္ဆိုင္ရာ ဗ်ဴဟာမ်ားကို သြားေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးရမည္။ ၎တို႔၏
သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား အစီအစဥ္မွဴးမ်ားကို လုိအပ္သလို ကူညီသင္ၾကား ျပသရမည္။
အေသးစားဘတ္ဂ်က္ စီမံကိုင္တြယ္ရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး
လစဥ္ ပေရာဂ်က္ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္မ်ားအတြက္ အစီရင္ခံစာ တင္သြင္းရမည္။
လိုအပ္သည့္အခ်က္မ်ား
·
ေရဒီယုိသတင္းပို႔ျခင္း
အစီအစဥ္ဖန္တီးထုတ္လုပ္ျခင္းတြင္ အနည္းဆုံး (၃)ႏွစ္ၾကာ အေတြ႔အႀကဳံ။
·
ဌာနျပင္ပရွိ
သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားကို ကူညီေပးသည့္ အေတြ႔အႀကဳံ ရွိသူ ဦးစားေပးမည္။
·
သင္ၾကားမႈဆိုင္ရာ
အေတြ႔အႀကဳံရွိပါက ပိုေကာင္းသည္။
·
ေဆာ့ဖ္၀ဲမ်ား
- Adobe Audition and/or Audacity editing software သုံးတတ္သူ။
·
ရင့္က်က္ၿပီး
တာ၀န္ယူတတ္သူ။
·
ျမန္မာစကား ကၽြမ္းက်င္ပိုင္ႏိုင္သူ။
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ရန္ကုန္တြင္
ေနထိုင္ကာ တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္သည့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား။
ေလွ်ာက္ထားရန္
ကိုယ္ေရးရာဇ၀င္ (CV)၊ မိမိႏွင့္သင့္ေတာ္ေၾကာင္း
ရွင္းျပသည့္စာ (Cover Letter) ႏွင့္ ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းသည့္လစာ မ်ားကို info@jschoolnewslab.com သို႔ေပးပို႔ပါရန္။
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တိုင္းရင္းသားျပည္နယ္သတင္းမ်ားေ
(၄)ပတ္ၾကာမည္၊
စက္တင္ဘာလ (၁၇)ရက္ေန႔ သင္တန္း စမည္။
မဂၤလာပါ .. Internews မွ
ႏႈတ္ခြန္းဆက္ပါသည္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားျပည္နယ္သတင္းမ်ားေ ရးသားျခင္း သင္တန္းမ်ားကို လာမည့္
(၆)လအတြင္း တစ္ခုၿပီးတစ္ခု ဆက္လက္ က်င္းပသြားမည္ျဖစ္ရာ ယခုပထမဆုံး အေနျဖင့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ကို
အထူးျပဳေလ့လာမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသားျပည္နယ္မ်ားႏွင့္
သက္ဆိုင္သည့္ ေလးနက္သိမ္ေမြ႔ေသာ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားကို သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား ပိုမို နက္ရိႈင္းစြာ
နားလည္လာေစရန္ႏွင့္ ယင္းကိစၥရပ္မ်ားကို သတင္းေရးသားရာတြင္ လိုအပ္သည့္ အဆက္အသြယ္မ်ား
အျခားရင္းျမစ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ခ်ိတ္ဆက္မိေစရန္ ရည္ရြယ္သင္ၾကားျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံခ်င္းမိုင္ၿမိဳ႕ရွ ိ
သတင္းပညာသင္တန္းေက်ာင္း (J-School) ၌က်င္းပမည့္ သင္တန္းတြင္ ျပည္နယ္သတင္းမ်ားကို ဓမၼဓိဌာန္က်က်
မွ်မွ်တတ ထဲထဲ၀င္၀င္ ေရးသားႏုိင္ရန္ လုိအပ္သည့္ အေရးပါေသာ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားကို ေလ့လာသင္ၾကားမည္
ျဖစ္သည္။
အထူးျပဳေလ့လာၾကမည့္ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ား
ကၽြမ္းက်င္သူပညာရွင္မ်ား၊
အေတြ႔အႀကဳံရွိသူမ်ားက သင္တန္းသားမ်ားကို ေအာက္ပါ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ား လမ္းညႊန္ ေဟာေျပာ
ပို႔ခ်မည္ျဖစ္သည္။
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ျပည္နယ္မ်ားအေၾကာင္း အေျခခံအခ်က္အလက္မ်ား
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သမိုင္းေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးႏွင့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေနာက္ခံမ်ား
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ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ပဋိပကၡအေၾကာင္း
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ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ား အေပၚ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားထံမွ
ရႈျမင္ခ်က္
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ျပည္နယ္မ်ားရွိ သဘာ၀ရင္းျမစ္၊ ေျမယာႏွင့္ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ဆိုင္ရာ
ကိစၥမ်ား
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ပဋိပကၡႏွင့္ လူမႈေဘးဆိုးမ်ားအေၾကာင္း သတင္းေရးသားပုံ
စံခ်ိန္မီ
လက္ေတြ႔ သတင္းေရးသားမည့္ သတင္းခန္းသင္တန္း
သတင္းေရးသားရာတြင္
အစဥ္လက္ကိုင္ထားရမည့္ “သတင္းေရးသားျခင္းဆိုင္ရာ အေျခခံမူမ်ား”ကို ပိုမိုကၽြမ္းက်င္စြာ
က်င့္သုံးေစႏိုင္ရန္လည္း အေတြ႔အႀကဳံရွိေသာ ဆရာမ်ားက လက္ေတြ႔သင္ၾကားမည္။ သတင္းမ်ားကို စုေပါင္း
သုံးသပ္ေလ့လာမည္။ တကယ့္သတင္းခန္းတစ္ခုကဲ့သို႔ ဖြဲ႔စည္းလုပ္ကိုင္ကာ ကခ်င္သတင္းမ်ား ျပည္နယ္သတင္းမ်ားကို
ေရးသားေပးပို႔ၾကရမည္။
သင္တန္းကာလအတြင္း
ပါ၀င္တက္ေရာက္သူမ်ား မိမိတို႔ေပးပို႔လ်က္ရွိသည့္ သတင္းဌာနမ်ားအတြက္ သတင္းမ်ား ဆက္လက္ေပးပို႔ႏိုင္ေစရန္
အားေပးကူညီသြားမည္။ အလြတ္သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား အေနျဖင့္လည္း မိမိတို႔ႏွစ္သက္ရာ သတင္းဌာနမ်ားထံ
သတင္းမ်ား ေပးပို႔ေရာင္းခ်ႏိုင္သည္။
ေလွ်ာက္ထားႏိုင္သူမ်ား
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အလယ္အလတ္အဆင့္မွ အႀကီးတန္းအဆင့္ သတင္းေထာက္/အယ္ဒီတာမ်ား
- ျပည္နယ္သတင္းမ်ား ေရးသားရန္ စိတ္၀င္စားသူ၊ အမွန္တကယ္လည္း ေရးသားမည့္သူ ျဖစ္ရမည္။
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တိုင္းရင္းသားေဒသမ်ားတြင္ ေနထိုင္ရန္ အစီအစဥ္ရွိသည့္
သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား (သို႔မဟုတ္) တိုင္းရင္းသား သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားလည္းပါ၀င္ေစရန္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ေခၚယူမည္။
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ပုံႏွိပ္၊ အင္တာနက္ ႏွင့္ ေရဒီယုိသတင္းေထာက္မ်ား
ေလွ်ာက္ထားႏိုင္သည္။
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ရုပ္သံသတင္းေထာက္မ်ား ေလွ်ာက္ထားပါက ရုပ္သံတည္းျဖတ္
ထုတ္လုပ္မႈ တတ္ေျမာက္ၿပီးသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ရမည္၊ ထိုပညာရပ္မ်ားကို ယခုသင္တန္းတြင္ သင္ၾကားမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။
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အနည္းဆုံး (၆)လ သတင္းလုပ္သက္ရွိရမည္။
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ကြန္ျပဴတာအသုံးျပဳႏိုင္ၿပီး ျမန္မာစာရိုက္ႏွိပ္တတ္ရမည္။
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ျမန္မာစာျဖင့္ သတင္းေရးသားႏိုင္ရမည္။
အျခားေသာ
အက်ဳိးေက်းဇူး ခံစားခြင့္မ်ား
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(၄)ပတ္ သင္တန္းကာလအတြက္ ထိုင္းဘတ္ေငြ (၆၀၀၀)
ခ်ီးျမႇင့္မည္။
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သင္တန္းတက္ရန္လာသည့္ ဗီဇာႏွင့္ ခရီးစရိတ္မ်ား
တာ၀န္ယူေပးသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံကူးလက္မွတ္ ရရွိရန္မွာ မိမိတာ၀န္သာ ျဖစ္သည္။
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သင္တန္းကာလ ေနထိုင္ေရး၊ စားေသာက္ေရး တာ၀န္ယူေပးသည္။
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သင္တန္းၿပီးဆုံးသည့္ေနာက္ Internews ၏ ေထာက္ပံ့ေၾကးေငြ
(ဂရန္႔)အစီအစဥ္ အတြက္ ေလွ်ာက္ထားႏုိင္မည္၊ မိမိအစီအစဥ္မ်ား တိုင္ပင္ တင္ျပႏိုင္မည္။
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သင္တမ္းၿပီးဆုံးသည့္ေနာက္ ကာလတစ္ခုအထိ သင္တန္းဆရာမ်ားထံမွ
အႀကံျပဳခ်က္ႏွင့္ အားေပးကူညီမႈမ်ား ဆက္လက္ ရယူႏုိင္မည္။
....................................................................................................................သတင္းေထာက္သင္တန္း တက္ခ်င္တဲ့လူငယ္ေတြအတြက္...(၂၃-၀၈-၂၀၁၂)
ျမန္မာ ဂ်ာနယ္လစ္ကြန္ယက္မွ သတင္းစာသင္တန္းဖြင့္မည္။
MJN မွ အေျခခံ သတင္းစာပညာ ၂ ပတ္တာ သင္တန္း ဖြင့္လွစ္မည္။
သတင္းစာ ပညာ သင္တန္း မတက္ေရာက္ဖူးေသးသည့္ သတင္းေထာက္သစ္မ်ားကိုရည္ရြယ္၍
အေျခခံ သတင္းစာပညာ သင္တန္းကို ျမန္မာဂ်ာနယ္လစ္ကြန္ရက္မွ စက္တင္ဘာ ၃ ရက္မွ
၁၄ ရက္ထိ ၁၀ ရက္ၾကာ ျပဳလုပ္မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္မ်ား၊ အြန္လိုင္း မီဒီယာမ်ား၊ အသံလႊင့္သတင္း႒ာနမ်ားတြင္
အလုပ္လုပ္ကိုင္လွ်က္ရွိသည့္ သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား ေလွ်ာက္ထားႏိုင္ပါသည္။
သင္တန္း ဆရာမ်ားအျဖစ္ ဦးရဲႏိုင္မိုး၊ ဦးျမင့္ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ အျခားေသာ
အေတြ႕အၾကံဳရွိသည့္ ဧည့္ ေဟာေျပာပို႔ခ်သူမ်ား ပါ၀င္မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သင္တန္းခ်ိန္မွာ တနလၤာမွ ေသာၾကာ နံနက္ပိုင္း တပိုင္းသာျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သင္တန္းေနရာ၊ ျမန္မာဂ်ာနယ္လစ္ ကြန္ရက္၊ အမွတ္ ၁၈၂ ၃၆ လမ္း အလယ္ဘေလာက္၊
ေက်ာက္တံတား၊
စိတ္၀င္စားသူမ်ား ဆက္သြယ္တက္ေရာက္ႏိုင္ပါသည္။
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ေလးစားစြာ
လုပ္ငန္းေကာ္မတီအဖြဲ႕
Myanmar Journalist Network
contect:
Email - mjn.online.net@gmail.com
Facebook Mail -
myanmarjournalistnetwork@ groups.facebook.com
Facebook Address -
http://www.facebook.com/ groups/ myanmarjournalistnetwork/
Ph-contect:
09-730 57174 - Eaint Khine Oo
09- 5072 895 - Tin Zar Zaw
09-4312 1058 - Thurain Hlaing
09- 43123 626 - Kyaw Zayar Tun/Myat Su Mon
09- 73019392 - Htet Khaung Linn
09-7313 7245 - Aung Thura
09-7390 3277 - Oakkar Ko Ko
09-4200 69737 - Min Htet San
09- 730 67803 - Thu Ra Myo
သတင္းစာ ပညာ သင္တန္း မတက္ေရာက္ဖူးေသးသည့္ သတင္းေထာက္သစ္မ်ားကိုရည္ရြယ္၍
အေျခခံ သတင္းစာပညာ သင္တန္းကို ျမန္မာဂ်ာနယ္လစ္ကြန္ရက္မွ စက္တင္ဘာ ၃ ရက္မွ
၁၄ ရက္ထိ ၁၀ ရက္ၾကာ ျပဳလုပ္မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္မ်ား၊ အြန္လိုင္း မီဒီယာမ်ား၊ အသံလႊင့္သတင္း႒ာနမ်ားတြင္
အလုပ္လုပ္ကိုင္လွ်က္ရွိသည့္ သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား ေလွ်ာက္ထားႏိုင္ပါသည္။
သင္တန္း ဆရာမ်ားအျဖစ္ ဦးရဲႏိုင္မိုး၊ ဦးျမင့္ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ အျခားေသာ
အေတြ႕အၾကံဳရွိသည့္ ဧည့္ ေဟာေျပာပို႔ခ်သူမ်ား ပါ၀င္မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သင္တန္းခ်ိန္မွာ တနလၤာမွ ေသာၾကာ နံနက္ပိုင္း တပိုင္းသာျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သင္တန္းေနရာ၊ ျမန္မာဂ်ာနယ္လစ္ ကြန္ရက္၊ အမွတ္ ၁၈၂ ၃၆ လမ္း အလယ္ဘေလာက္၊
ေက်ာက္တံတား၊
စိတ္၀င္စားသူမ်ား ဆက္သြယ္တက္ေရာက္ႏိုင္ပါသည္။
--
ေလးစားစြာ
လုပ္ငန္းေကာ္မတီအဖြဲ႕
Myanmar Journalist Network
contect:
Email - mjn.online.net@gmail.com
Facebook Mail -
myanmarjournalistnetwork@
Facebook Address -
http://www.facebook.com/
Ph-contect:
09-730 57174 - Eaint Khine Oo
09- 5072 895 - Tin Zar Zaw
09-4312 1058 - Thurain Hlaing
09- 43123 626 - Kyaw Zayar Tun/Myat Su Mon
09- 73019392 - Htet Khaung Linn
09-7313 7245 - Aung Thura
09-7390 3277 - Oakkar Ko Ko
09-4200 69737 - Min Htet San
09- 730 67803 - Thu Ra Myo
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သတင္းေထာက္ေပါက္စ။ ကင္မရာမင္းေပါက္စမ်ားအတြက္ ၂၀၀၆-ခုနွစ္က ကုိဘေမာင္ဇင္ ထုတ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဓာတ္ပုံရုိက္နည္းအေျခခံ စာေစာင္ေလးကုိ မွ်ေ၀လုိက္ပါတယ္။
Camera Shooting Guide
သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္မ်ားပိတ္ပင္မႈႏွင့္ မတရားတဲ့ မီဒီယာဥပေဒဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေကာ္မတီဖြဲ႕စည္း
သတင္းလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ေကာ္မတီ(ယာယီ)
ရက္စြဲ- ၁.၈.၂၀၁၂
၁။ ပိတ္ပင္ခံထားရေသာ The Voice Weekly , Envoy ၊ လွ်ပ္တျပက္ဂ်ာနယ္တို႔ကို
ခ်က္ခ်င္းထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့့္ေပးရန္။
(မွတ္ခ်က္-အစည္းအေ၀းၿပီးဆုံးခ်ိ
ျပန္လည္ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ျပဳလုိက္ၿပီ
ဟု သိရွိရပါသည္)
၂။ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားကို ထိခိုက္ေစသည့္ေနာက္ျပန္ဆြဲေသာ
မည္သည့္ပုဂၢဳိလ္၊ မည္သည့္လုပ္ရပ္မ်ဳိးကုိမဆို အေရးယူဖယ္ရွားေပးရန္။
၃။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ ပံုႏွိပ္အက္ဥပေဒႏွင့္မီဒီယာမ်ား
ကုိ ဖိႏွိပ္ကန္႕သတ္ထားေသာ
ဥပေဒမ်ားကို ခ်က္ခ်င္းဖ်က္သိမ္းေပးရန္။
၄။ သတင္းမီယာမ်ားအေပၚ အေရးယူမႈမ်ားကို ထပ္မံလုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းမျပဳရန္။
၅။ က်င့္၀တ္ႏွင့္အညီေရးသားေဖာ္ထုတ္
ေသာ မည္သည့္ေရးသားမႈကုိ အစုိးရက
ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရ တရားစြဲမႈမ်ားကို ခ်က္ခ်င္းရပ္ဆိုင္းရန္။
၆။ မီဒီယာသမားမ်ားသေဘာဆႏၵမပါ၀င္ဘဲေ
ရးဆြဲထားသည့္ မည္သည့္မီဒီယာဥပေဒကိုမဆို လက္မခံပါ။
၇။ လတ္တေလာျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ စာေပလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ဆံုးရႈံးမႈမ်ား
အတြက္
မီဒီယာသမားမ်ားအား ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္၏ တာ၀န္အရွိဆံုးပုဂိၢဳလ္က
အျမန္ဆံုးေတြ႕ဆံုေျဖရွင္းေပးရန္
။
အထက္ပါေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္မ်ားကို ခ်က္ခ်င္းလုပ္ေဆာင္ေပးရန္ ယေန႔တက္ေရာက္လာေသာ
သတင္းမီဒီယာသမား ၉၂ ဦးက သေဘာတူဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္ၾကသည္။
ေကာ္မတီ၀င္မ်ားစာရင္း
၁။ ကိုေဇာ္သက္ေထြး-
၂။ ကိုေက်ာ္ျမင့္
၃။ ကိုသက္ဇင္
၄။ ကိုႏိုင္မင္းေ၀
၅။ ကိုေက်ာ္ေဇယ်ာထြန္း
၆။ ကိုသာလြန္ေဇာင္းထက္
၇။ ကိုသူရေအာင္
၈။ ကုိေ၀ျဖိဳး
၉။ ကိုဖိုးစိုင္း
၁၀။ ကိုေအာင္ေပၚထြန္း
၁၂။ ကိုခြန္းသု
၁၃။ ကိုေအာင္သူရ
၁၄။ ကိုထက္ႏိုင္ေဇာ္
၁၅။ မေအးသီရိ၀င္း
၁၆။ ကိုျမတ္ဇံ
၁၇။ မျမႏွင္းေအး
၁၈။ မစန္းမြန္ေအာင္
၁၉။ ကိုေက်ာ္ဆန္းမင္း
၂၀။ မညိဳမီသင္း
၂၁။ မနန္းလြင္
၂၂။ ဥာဏ္လင္းေအာင္
၂၃။ ကိုေအာင္ထြန္းဦး
ေကာ္မတီမ်ား
၁။ လုပ္ငန္းျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေရးေကာ္မတီ
သာလြန္ေဇာင္းထက္၊ ကိုသူရေအာင္၊ ကိုေ၀ျဖိဳး၊ ကိုႏိုင္မင္းေ၀၊ မနန္းလြင္၊
မညိဳမီသင္း၊ ဦးေက်ာ္ျမင့္
၂။ သတင္းလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ေကာ္မတီ(ယာယီ)
ျပန္ၾကားေရးေကာ္မတီ
ကိုသက္ဇင္-၀၉၄၃၁၄၁၈၁၂
၊ ကိုေဇာ္သက္ေထြး-၀၉၇၃၀၃၀၀၄၈
၊ ကိုေက်ာ္ဆန္းမင္း-၀၉၇၃၂၄၈၈၈၆
ဆႏၵထုတ္ေဖာ္ေရးႏွင့္ စည္းရံုးေရးေကာ္မတီသည္ ေကာ္မတီ၀င္အားလုံးပါ၀င္ပါသည္။
ယေန႔အစည္းအေ၀းကို ေတာ္၀င္ႏွင္းဆီတြင္က်င္းပခဲ့ျ
ခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
...................................................................
Myanmar's exiled media lured back home by reform
Updated: 2/26/2012
As
censorship eases in Myanmar and the press tastes long-suppressed
freedom, exiled media groups are weighing up the risks of a return to
cover the dramatic changes in their country from within.
Not
long ago, working for one of them could result in a lengthy prison
sentence if caught inside the army-dominated nation, but the past year's
political openings have turned recent pipe dreams into real ambitions.
Exiled reporting groups want permission to return to Myanmar, also known as Burma -- but only when they are sure there will be no turning back on the new regime's radical steps towards reforms.
"It is our dream to publish a publication or online magazine inside Burma. I hope it will happen soon," said Aung Zaw, the founder of the Irrawaddy news website based in neighbouring Thailand.
The journalist has just completed his first trip to Myanmar since he escaped after a popular uprising in 1988 was brutally crushed by the junta. This time, he came back charmed.
"I think the authorities will consider my proposal if we want to publish inside Burma," he said.
Over the past year the government of former general Thein Sein, which took over from the junta in March, has overseen dramatic political reforms, including in the media.
Censorship, already softened, will supposedly disappear. Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, released from house arrest in late 2010, has crept on to the front pages, while exiled media websites are no longer blocked.
Even imprisoned journalists from the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a broadcasting group based in Oslo, were all released in January in a mass amnesty for political prisoners.
For the exiles, what remains is the strategic question of timing. According to Aung Zaw, senior journalists have suggested to the Irrawaddy to "remain here in Thailand until 2015" to ensure the reforms are well entrenched.
"Laws that restrict press freedom are still there," so "it is too risky" for them to go back now, said Maung Maung Myint, chairman of the Burma Media Association based in Oslo, whose members are mostly exiled journalists.
In Myanmar's capital of Naypyidaw, the Ministry of Information says that the way is clear. Ye Htut, the ministry's director general, told AFP that there was "no restriction" on the media in exile.
"We only ask for fair and balanced reporting," he said.
But the new press legislation under development is limited to print media. Even if the law enters into force, "pluralism and good practices will still be missing," noted Benjamin Ismail, head of the Asia bureau at media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in Paris.
In terms of press freedom, Myanmar is still ranked just 169th among 179 countries, according to an index by RSF published in January.
Exiled media therefore have no choice but to take things step by step. The editor of Mizzima, a news agency based in India, told the Myanmar Times that, similar to the Irrawaddy, it was "ready to set up our office in Yangon".
As for the DVB, the first step is "legalising DVB's operation in the country" and preventing further arrests, according to its deputy director Khin Maung Win.
The government is closely linked to the previous military rulers, who "treated DVB as the enemy," he said.
Although the group is still considered illegal, the new regime has behaved differently, for example by accepting interview requests from DVB reporters.
Ultimately, the exiles' return seems inevitable if decades of military rule really are consigned to the history books.
"The exiled Burmese media will simply fade away when Burma has become a truly democratic society," said the Burma Media Association's Maung Maung Myint.
Meanwhile, international donors who are increasingly tempted to favour projects inside the country must continue to support them, he argued.
DVB, which has already experienced financial problems linked to an embezzlement scandal, has only found 10 percent of its $3.5 million budget for 2012.
"DVB donors are excited with the changes in Burma and like to switch their support to inside Burma, rather than outside," said Khin Maung Win.
Whatever their future role, the contributions of these experienced English speakers will be crucial for a country where the main newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, remains a dogmatic mouthpiece of the regime.
"They have said that they wanted us to do some training and introduce quality standards of journalism," said Aung Zaw. "If they are serious, I'm ready."
.............................................................................................................
Exiled reporting groups want permission to return to Myanmar, also known as Burma -- but only when they are sure there will be no turning back on the new regime's radical steps towards reforms.
"It is our dream to publish a publication or online magazine inside Burma. I hope it will happen soon," said Aung Zaw, the founder of the Irrawaddy news website based in neighbouring Thailand.
The journalist has just completed his first trip to Myanmar since he escaped after a popular uprising in 1988 was brutally crushed by the junta. This time, he came back charmed.
"I think the authorities will consider my proposal if we want to publish inside Burma," he said.
Over the past year the government of former general Thein Sein, which took over from the junta in March, has overseen dramatic political reforms, including in the media.
Censorship, already softened, will supposedly disappear. Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, released from house arrest in late 2010, has crept on to the front pages, while exiled media websites are no longer blocked.
Even imprisoned journalists from the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a broadcasting group based in Oslo, were all released in January in a mass amnesty for political prisoners.
For the exiles, what remains is the strategic question of timing. According to Aung Zaw, senior journalists have suggested to the Irrawaddy to "remain here in Thailand until 2015" to ensure the reforms are well entrenched.
"Laws that restrict press freedom are still there," so "it is too risky" for them to go back now, said Maung Maung Myint, chairman of the Burma Media Association based in Oslo, whose members are mostly exiled journalists.
In Myanmar's capital of Naypyidaw, the Ministry of Information says that the way is clear. Ye Htut, the ministry's director general, told AFP that there was "no restriction" on the media in exile.
"We only ask for fair and balanced reporting," he said.
But the new press legislation under development is limited to print media. Even if the law enters into force, "pluralism and good practices will still be missing," noted Benjamin Ismail, head of the Asia bureau at media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in Paris.
In terms of press freedom, Myanmar is still ranked just 169th among 179 countries, according to an index by RSF published in January.
Exiled media therefore have no choice but to take things step by step. The editor of Mizzima, a news agency based in India, told the Myanmar Times that, similar to the Irrawaddy, it was "ready to set up our office in Yangon".
As for the DVB, the first step is "legalising DVB's operation in the country" and preventing further arrests, according to its deputy director Khin Maung Win.
The government is closely linked to the previous military rulers, who "treated DVB as the enemy," he said.
Although the group is still considered illegal, the new regime has behaved differently, for example by accepting interview requests from DVB reporters.
Ultimately, the exiles' return seems inevitable if decades of military rule really are consigned to the history books.
"The exiled Burmese media will simply fade away when Burma has become a truly democratic society," said the Burma Media Association's Maung Maung Myint.
Meanwhile, international donors who are increasingly tempted to favour projects inside the country must continue to support them, he argued.
DVB, which has already experienced financial problems linked to an embezzlement scandal, has only found 10 percent of its $3.5 million budget for 2012.
"DVB donors are excited with the changes in Burma and like to switch their support to inside Burma, rather than outside," said Khin Maung Win.
Whatever their future role, the contributions of these experienced English speakers will be crucial for a country where the main newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, remains a dogmatic mouthpiece of the regime.
"They have said that they wanted us to do some training and introduce quality standards of journalism," said Aung Zaw. "If they are serious, I'm ready."
.............................................................................................................
Has Burma's Glasnost Begun?
By SAW YAN NAING / THE IRRAWADDY
Thursday, February 16, 2012
Under the rule of former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe, Burma was one of the most media-unfriendly countries in the world. The press was denied access to everything from public debates to Parliamentary sessions, media websites were blocked and hacked, stories were censored in Orwellian fashion, and journalists were forced to stay as low-profile as possible, writing under pseudonyms, and often living in fear of arrest.
But things have changed under President Thein Sein's administration. Government officials have begun speaking to the media, political news can be published in local journals, foreign journalists are being granted visas into the country, and various new regulations and laws on censorship and media are currently being discussed.
On Jan. 20, Thein Sein gave his first interview as president to foreign media when he spoke to The Washington Post.
Thein Sein, who never gave interviews to foreign media under the Than Shwe regime, told The Washington Post: “With regards to freedom of the media, you can see that it is not like it was before.
“The media needs to take responsibility ... Media freedom will be based on the accountability they have,” he was reported as saying.
One immediately noticeable difference in government censorship that is apparent to everyday Burmese is the appearance of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's picture on the front pages of journals at news stands in the streets.
British writer Benedict Rogers, the author of “Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant” recently returned from Burma. He said he bought local newspapers that had pages filled with news and images of Suu Kyi. Rogers was deported from Burma in 2011 due to the contents of his book.
“This year, I had no problem with getting a visa,” he said. “Nobody said anything to me when I was walked through [Customs and Immigration] and nobody followed me,” he said. “My visit was smooth. It was very surprising.”
Under the military junta, foreign journalists and writers frequently sneaked into Burma posing as tourists. Those caught working were invariably deported and stamped persona non grata.
But since the new government took office in March 2011, foreign journalists and exiled Burmese journalists from BBC Burmese Service, VOA Burmese Service and Radio Free Asia have been granted media visas, a move observers say was an early indication of Naypyidaw's policy of reform. News groups such as BBC, VOA and Al Jazeera are all reporting live now from Rangoon and Naypyidaw.
May Thingyan Hein, the chief editor of Shwe Myit Makha, an online news agency based in Rangoon, said, “We feel more confident. We feel we have more responsibility.”
She said that in the past almost every Rangoon-based journalist used a pseudonym when reporting or requested anonymity when speaking to foreign or exile media.
More and more publishers and journalists are now applying for licenses to open new publications. A few individuals or small groups such as Shwe Myit Makha and Yangon Press International have established their own online media outlets and update the latest news briefs through Facebook.
May Thingyan Hein said, however, that the policy of opening space for Burmese dissidents and exiled journalists who are critical of the Burmese government is in fact regarded in Naypyidaw as a major concession.
“Press freedom doesn’t totally exist, but I think it exists on some level,” she said.
Rogers, on the other hand, said that he felt the teashop atmosphere in Rangoon was much more open and less guarded than in previous times. “People are now quite open and will talk frankly [about politics] in the teashops in central Rangoon,” he said.
“Almost everybody I talked to said they believe the changes are genuine. I think this is the beginning of the process of openness,” he said.
In early February, a media workshop held in Rangoon was attended by media figures from around Southeast Asia and exiled Burmese journalists from BBC Burmese Service, VOA Burmese Service and Mizzima News Agency.
In the past, the state-run media in Burma ran prominent propaganda slogans slating those news groups for sowing discord and creating disunity among the population.
At the workshop, attendees debated an end to censorship in Burma and the enforcement of a draft media law.
Tint Swe, the director of Burma’s notorious Press Scrutiny and Registration Board, attended the forum and personally presented the newly drafted media law. He reportedly told those at the workshop that there would be no more censorship in Burma after the media law is enacted.
Aung Zaw, the editor of The Irrawaddy, recently visited Burma after 23 years in exile.
He said that the degree of press freedom is greater than before, but that the censorship board will still reject any articles that touch upon selectively sensitive issues—such as corruption, federalism, ethnic issues, military affairs and cronyism.
However, Burma’s press freedom should not be compared to neighboring countries such as Vietnam and Cambodia, he said, as those states have authoritarian governments. “It should instead be measured by universal standards of press freedom,” he said.
But although Rangoon-based journals still have to pass through the process of censorship, the government announced in June 2011 that publications and articles focusing on sports, technology, entertainment, health and children’s issues on longer had to be submitted for censorship.
A new media law titled “Printing Press and Publication Law,” which involves 10 chapters dealing with “rights, duties, and ethical codes for writers and journalists, and penalties” will be submitted to the Attorney General’s Office for comments, before going to the Cabinet and to Parliament for approval.
Many bloggers and citizen journalists prefer to use social networks for updating their readers. Many Rangoon-based websites and independent writers share information through Facebook, Blog, Wordpress, and Googleplus.
Although there are no official statistics concerning Facebook users, the social network is hugely popular with thousands of users and is very often the key source of information-sharing among people in Burma and in spreading news to the international community.
On the radio—for so long the rural person's only conduit with the outside world—Burma’s state-run channels have now agreed to air some of Washington-based VOA’s programs, albeit selectively.
After his trip to Burma in late 2011, Than Lwin Tun, the head of the VOA Burmese Service, said that Information Minister Kyaw Hsan had agreed to selectively broadcast some of his organization's products, such as international news, English education, health, science and technology programs.
Despite the practical concessions, however, several voices in the media remain skeptical.
A freelance journalist who works for foreign media organizations said, “It looks like the whole process is to please the West in order to get sanctions lifted. I really don't know how genuine they [new government] are.”
Maung Wun Tha, the editor of Pyithu Khit, a Rangoon-based journal, said that sensitive issues such as the conflict with ethnic rebels were still taboo.
Reporting on the ongoing armed conflict in Kachin State was also off limits, he said.
Several observers say they see the stumbling block as Information Minister Kyaw Hsan—known to be a hardliner and an advocate of a strict censorship policy—who remains a key figure at the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Nonetheless, nine Burmese journalists including Zaw Thet Htwe and blogger Nay Phone Latt were freed in a government amnesty in January.
“I will keep writing even if it means I get arrested again,” said Nay Phone Latt. “Then we will know whether or not we have real [press] freedom.”
မီဒီယာ ေခတ္ေျပာင္းခ်ိန္ေရာက္ျပီလား
ထက္အာင္ေက်ာ္ (၃၁-၀၁-၂၀၁၂)ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုျကည္ရဲ့ ထား၀ယ္ေဒသ စည္းရံုးေရးခရီးစဥ္အေပၚ သတင္းဌာနအသီးသီးရဲ့ သတင္းတင္ျပပုံေတြကုိျကည့္ရင္း နားေထာင္ရင္းနဲ့ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၁၀-နွစ္နီးပါးခန့္က က်ေနာ္တုိ့ တင္ျပခဲ့ဖူး တဲ့ ဒီပဲယင္းခရီးစဥ္တင္ျပပုံနဲ့ အေတာ္ကြာျခားသြားပီဆုိတာကုိ သတိထားလုိက္ မိပါတယ္။
၂၀၀၃ ေမလ ဒီပဲယင္းခရီးစဥ္တုန္းကဆုိရင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုျကည္နဲ့အဖြဲ့ ဘယ္ေန့ ဘယ္ကုိ သြားမယ္။ ဘယ္ေနရာမွ ေဟာေျပာပဲြလုပ္မယ္။ ေဒသခံလူထုအေျခေနက ဘယ္လိုရွိတယ္ စသျဖင့္ ျကုိ သိနုိင္ဖုိ့ တယ္လီဖုန္းကုိဘဲ့အားကိုးပီး တခ်ိန္လုံးဆက္ေနရပါတယ္။ ေနာ္ေ၀း ကေန ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံဆီဖုန္းေခၚရ တာကလဲ ခက္သလားမေမးနဲ့။ ဆယ္ခါေခၚ တခါေလာက္ဘဲ့ ၀င္ပီး ေစ်းကလဲ အင္မတန္ျကီးပါတယ္။
အဲဒီလုိခဲရာခဲဆစ္ေမးထားရတဲ့သတင္းေတြကို ည ၈-နာရီ ၉-နာရီ၀န္းက်င္မွာ က်ေနာ္တုိ့ ျပည္ ပအေျခစုိက္ ေရဒီယုိေတြက ျပန္လြင့္ေတာ့မွ တျပည္လုံးက လူထုက သိခြင့္ရတဲ့အေျခေန မ်ဳီးပါ။ တယ္ လီဖုန္းဆက္လုိ့မရတဲ့ေန့ဆုိရင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ့လဲ ဘာမွကိုလြင့္စရာမရွိေတာ့ သလုိျဖစ္ေနတတ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ အခုေတာ့ သတင္းလုိက္ရတာက ဒီပဲယင္းေခတ္ကလုိမဟုတ္ေတာ့။ တယ္လီဖုန္းခ ကုန္စရာမလုိဘဲနဲ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုျကည္နဲ့အဖြဲ့ ဘယ္ေန့ ထား၀ယ္ကိုေရာက္မယ္။ ဘယ္ေနရာေတြ ကိုသြားမယ္။ ေဒသခံလူထုက ျကုိဆုိဖုိ့ဘယ္လုိျပင္ဆင္ေနတယ္ ဆုိတဲ့သတင္းေတြ။ အထူူးသျဖင့္ ဓါတ္ပုံ ေတြကို Face book မွာ မီနစ္ပုိင္းအလုိက္ တက္လာေနတာကို ေတြ့ေနရပါတယ္။
နည္းပညာက မီဒီယာကုိ ေခတ္ေျပာင္းေစသလား
ဒီေမးခြန္းက ေမးစရမလုိေလာက္ေအာင္ ရွင္းေနတဲ့ေမးခြန္းျဖစ္ေနပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဘာေျကာင့္လဲ ဆုိရင္ ဒီပဲယင္းေခတ္နဲ့ ဒီေန့ေခတ္ သတင္းတင္ျပပုံကြာတဲ့ အျပင္ ၂၀၀၇-ေရြ၀ါေရာင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာ လနဲ့ ဒီေန့ကာလ ျကားမွာေတာင္ သတင္းတင္ျပပုံေတြ က အေတာ္ကြာျခားသြားလုိ့ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
၂၀၀၇ ၀န္းက်င္က ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာ အင္တာနက္ဖြင့္ေပးကာစျဖစ္ပီး သတင္းဓါတ္ပုံေတြ အင္တာနက္ေပၚတင္ ရင္ အီလက္ထေရာနစ္ပုဒ္မေတြနဲ့ ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်ေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အီးေမးလ္ပုိမႈနဲ့ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၆၅-နွစ္စီက်သြားခဲ့တဲ့ မင္းကုိနုိင္ အပါ၀င္ ၈၈-မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္း သားေတြ။ ဘေလာ့ဂါ ေနဘုန္းလတ္လုိ ပုဂုိလ္ေတြကုိျကည့္ရင္ သိသာနုိင္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ အခုေတာ့ အေျခေနက ဒီလုိမဟုတ္ေတာ့။ အီလက္ထေရာနစ္ပုဒ္မနဲ့ ဖမ္းဆီးခံရသူေတြ အပါ၀င္ နုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအားလုံးနီးပါးကို ျပန္လြတ္ေပးထားတဲ့အခ်ိန္။ အင္တာနက္ေတြကို အ ယင္လုိသိပ္မထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ဘဲ အတုိင္းတာတခုအထိ လြတ္ေပးထားတဲ့အခ်ိန္ဆုိေတာ့ အင္တာနက္သုံးသူ ေတြဟာ ေျကာက္ရြ့ံစရာမလုိဘဲ အမည္ရင္းေတြနဲ့ကုိ Face book ေပၚ ေပၚတင္ တင္ေနျကတာဟာ တ ကယ့္အားရစရာ အေျပာင္းလဲတခုအျဖစ္ က်ေနာ္ျမင္မိပါတယ္။
ဒါက Social media အပုိင္းပါ။ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြကိုျကည့္မယ္ဆုိရင္လဲ ၂၀၀၃။ ၂၀၀၇ နဲ့ အခု ၂၀၁၂ အျကား လုံး၀ ေျပာင္းလဲသြားတာကို ေတြ့ရပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၃ ဒီပဲယင္းျဖစ္စဥ္တုန္းကဆုိရင္ ဘယ္ ဂ်ာနယ္ကမွ မေရးရဲတဲ့အျပင္ ေရးခြင့္လဲမရွိပါဘူး။ ၂၀၀၇ မွာလဲ အလားတူ ခပ္ဆင္ဆင္ပါဘဲ့။ ထူးထူး ျခားျခား ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြရဲ့အခန္းကန္ဒကုိ က်ေနာ္မေတြ့မိပါဘူး။
ဒါေပမဲ့ အခု ၂၀၁၁ ေနွာင္းပိုင္း နုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြလြတ္ေပးတဲ့သတင္းကေနစ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြရဲ့အခန္းကန္ဒ အေတာ္အေရးပါလာပီး သူတုိ့ရဲ့ အင္တာနက္ ၀က္ဆုိက္ေပၚမွာ ထူးျခားသတင္းေတြကုိ မီနစ္ပုိင္းအလုိက္ေဖၚျပလာနုိင္တာဟာ ဒီေန ဂ်ာနယ္မီဒီယာေခါတ္ရဲ့ထူးျခားမႈျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျပည္ပမီဒီယာေတြကိုျကည့္မယ္ဆုိရင္လဲ ၂၀၀၃ ဒီပဲယင္းေခါတ္ကနဲ့ ဘာမွမဆုိင္ေတာ့။ တယ္ လီဖုန္းအေျခခံ မီဒီယာကေန သတင္းေထာက္ကို္ယ္တုိင္ ကြင္းဆင္းေပးပုိ့တဲ့သတင္းေတြအျဖစ္သုိ့ အ သြင္ေျပာင္းလာနုိင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ နည္းပညာပုိင္းေျပာင္းလဲမႈရဲ့ ေနာက္ထပ္ထူးျခားခ်က္ကေတာ့ DVB, VOA, RFA TV ေတြေပၚလာတဲ့အခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၁၀-နွစ္၀န္းက်င္ ၂၀၀၃- ဒီပဲယင္း ကာလတုန္းက ဘယ္လုိမွမျဖစ္နုိင္ဘူးလုိ့ ထင္ထားတဲ့အရာေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
နုိင္ငံေရးအျမင္။ သေဘာတရားအယူအဆအေျပာင္းအလဲနဲ့ မီဒီယာ
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုျကည္ရဲ့ ထား၀ယ္ေဒသခရီးစဥ္ သတင္းတင္ျပပုံ အေျပာင္းလဲနဲ့ပါတ္သက္ပီး က်ေနာ္စဥ္းစားေနစဥ္မွာ တုိက္ဆုိင္စြာထြက္ေပၚလာတဲ့သတင္းတပုဒ္ကေတာ့ ျပည္ပက မီဒီယာသမား ေတြပါ ပါ၀င္တဲ့ မီဒီယာ စီမီနာျကီးတခု ရန္ကုန္မွာ က်င္းပေနတယ္ဆုိတဲ့သတင္းပါ။
ဒီ စီမီနာ ဘယ္ ေလာက္အလုပ္ျဖစ္မလဲဆုိပီး ေစာဒကတက္သူေတြရွိေကာင္းရွိေန နုိင္ေပမဲ့ ျပည္ပမီဒီယာနဲ့ ျပည္တြင္း မီဒီယာသမားေတြ။ အစိုးရအရာရွိေတြအပါ၀င္ အားလုံးစားပဲြတခုတည္းထုိင္ပီး မီဒီယာအေျကာင္း ေဆြးေနြးနုိင္တာကုိက မီဒီယာ ေခတ္ အေျပာင္းလဲတခုအျဖစ္ က်ေနာ္က ျမင္ပါတယ္။
"ျပည္ပအားကုိး ပုဆိန္ရုိး အဆုိးျမင္၀ါဒီမ်ားအား ဆန့္က်င္ျက"
"BBC, VOA ရန္တုိက္ေပးေနသည္္။"
"RFA, DVB ေသြးထုိးေနသည္။"
"ခေလာက္ဆံ အေကာက္ျကံ။ ေလလႈိင္းသံ လူသတ္သမား။ နားမေယာင္ေလနဲ့ သတိထား"
ဆုိတဲ့ ေျကြးေျကာ္သံေတြကို ေန့စဥ္ထုတ္ အစိုးရသတင္းစာေနာက္ေက်ာဖုံးကေန ဖယ္ပီးလုိ့ သိပ္မျကာ ေသး ခင္မွာ အဲဒီသတင္းဌာနက ဌာနမႈးေတြကုိယ္တုိင္ ရန္ကုန္က မီဒီယာ စီမီနာမွာ အစိုးရျပန္ျကားေရး အရာရွိေတြနဲဲ့ စကားတခုတည္းထုိင္ပီး ေဆြးေနြးေနတယ္ဆုိတာဟာ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ လပုိင္းေတြအထိ ဘယ္ လုိမွ မျဖစ္နုိင္ဘူးလုိ့ ထင္ထားတဲ့အရာေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါဟာ လက္ရွိအစိုးရအပါ၀င္ နုိင္ငံေရးနယ္ပယ္အသီးသီးမွာပါ၀င္ပါတ္သက္ေနသူေတြရဲ့ နုိင္ငံ ေရးအျမင္။ သေဘာတရားအျမင္ေတြေျပာင္းလဲလာတာေျကာင့္လုိ့ က်ေနာ္ကျမင္ပါတယ္။ လက္ရွိ အစိုးရကသြားေနတဲ့ လြတ္ေတာ္အခင္းအက်င္းသစ္။ နုိင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြနဲ့ဆက္ဆံမႈပုံစံသစ္။ လူမ်ဳိးစု လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ့ေတြနဲ့ေဆြးေနြးမႈပုံစံသစ္။ နုိင္ငံတကာဆက္ဆံေရးပုံစံသစ္ေတြေျပာင္းလာရာကေန Sate Holder ေတြရဲ့ စဥ္းစားပုံေတြ။ Mindset ေတြ။ သေဘာတရားခံယူခ်က္ေတြေျပာင္းလဲလာတယ္ လုိ့ ယူဆမိပါတယ္။
ဆရာျကီး ဒဂုံတာရာရဲ့ စကားလုံးကုိ ငွားသုံးရမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ "ရန္သူမရွိ မိတ္ေဆြသာရွိ။ နုိင္ငံ ေရးလုပ္တယ္ဆုိတာ ရန္သူကိုမိတ္ေဆြျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္" ဆုိတဲ့ ဒသာနသစ္ကို ျမန္မာနုိင္ ငံသားေတြလက္ခံလာတဲ့သေဘာ။ အျမင္မတူ တုိ့ရန္သူဆုိျပီး နွစ္ ၆၀။ နွစ္ ၄၀။ နွစ္ ၂၀- တုိက္လာတာ ေတြကိုရပ္တန့္ပီး အခ်င္းခ်င္း ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္နုိ္င္မွ ငါတုိ့တုိင္းျပည္နဲ့လူမ်ဳိး သူမ်ားတုိင္းျပည္ေတြ သူမ်ားနုိင္ငံေတြေနာက္ အမွိလုိက္နုိင္လိမ့္မယ္လုိ့ အျမင္မွန္ရလာတဲ့သေဘာလုိ့ က်ေနာ္က ျမင္မိပါ တယ္။
အေရတြက္မွ အရည္ခ်င္းသုိ့ မီဒီယာသမားေတြကိုယ္တုိင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး
နည္းပညာအရအေျပာင္းအလဲ။ သေဘာတရားအရ အေျပာင္းလဲေတြပီးတဲ့အခါမွာေတာ့ မီဒီ ယာ သမားေတြကိုယ္တုိင္အေျပာင္းအလဲလုပ္ဖို့လုိေနပီဆုိတာကို ေဆြးေနြးခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ဆုိလုိတာက ေတာ့ ၂၀၀၃ ဒီပဲယင္းေခါတ္ကလုိ တယ္လီဖုန္းဆက္မရလုိ့။ တယ္လီဖုန္းလုိင္းမျကည္လုိ့ "သီးခံပါခင္ ဗ်ား" ဆုိပီး က်ေနာ္တုိ့ ဆက္လက္ ဆင္ေျခေပးေနလုိ့မရေတာ့။ "ဒိီသတင္းနဲ့ပါတ္သက္ပီး အစိုးရတာ ၀န္ရွိသူေတြကို ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ျပန္လည္ေျဖျကားျခင္းမရွိပါဘူးခင္ဗ်ား" ဆုိပီးလဲ က်ေနာ္တုိ့ ဆက္လက္ ဆင္ေျခေပးမေနသင့္ေတာ့ပါ။
ေနာက္တခါ ၂၀၀၇ ေရြ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေခါတ္ ကလုိ လုံျခုံေရးအေျကာင္းျပပီး "လုံျခုံေရး အေျခေနအရ ပုံေတြကိုခုိးရုိက္ရလုိ့ တုန္-မႈန္ျခင္း သီးခံပါခင္ဗ်ား" ဆုိပီး က်ေနာ္တုိ့ ဆက္လက္ ဆင္ ေျခေပးေနရင္လဲ ပရိတ္သတ္က လက္ခံမွာမဟုတ္ေတာ့။ အင္တာနက္ေနွးလုိ့ပါလုိ့ အေျကာင္းျပပီး ကုိယ္သတင္းေထာက္ဆီကပုံမရဘဲ့ Face book ေပၚက ပုံေတြခ်ည္းစြတ္တင္ျပသေနတာမ်ဳိးကိုလဲ ပရိ သတ္က လက္ခံမွာမဟုတ္ေတာ့။ က်ေနာ္တုိ့အားလုံး သတင္းေထာက္ပီပီ ကြင္းထဲဆင္းပီး အလုပ္လုပ္ ျက ရပါေတာ့မယ္။
ျပည္တြင္း ျပည္ပ ေ၀းကြာမႈ။ ဆက္သြယ္ေရးအားနဲမႈ။ နည္းပညာအားနဲမႈ။ လုံျခုံေရးစိတ္မခ်ရမႈ စသျဖင့္ စသျဖင့္ အယင္ကရွိခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ အကန့္အသတ္ေတြကို က်ေနာ္တုိ့ ေက်ာ္ျဖတ္ဖုိ့အခ်ိန္ေရာက္ေနပါ ပီ။ ဒီအတြက္ က်ေနာ္တုိ့ မီဒီယာ သမားေတြအားလုံး အလုပ္က်ဳိးစားရပါလိမ့္မယ္။
တနာရီစာ သတင္းျပည့္ေရး။ နာရီ၀က္စာ သတင္းျပည့္ေရးကို ဦးစားေပးခဲ့တဲ့ ေခတ္က ေန အဲ ဒီတနာရီစာလြင့္တဲ့သတင္းေတြက ပရိတ္သတ္အတြက္ ဘယ္ေလာက္အက်ဳိးရွိနုိင္သလဲ။ လြင့္တဲ့သ တင္းေတြအားလုံး စံခ်ိန-စံညြန္း္မွီရဲ့လား။ သတင္းက်င့္၀တ္နဲ့ညီရဲ့လား။ စသျဖင့္ အေရတြက္ေခတ္က အရည္ခ်င္းေခတ္ကို က်ေနာ္တုိ့ေျပာင္းရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ တက္လွမ္းရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ထုိင္းနုိင္ငံက လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ မီဒီယာေတြလုိမ်ဳီးျဖစ္လာေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တို့ မီဒီယာသမားေတြ ျကုိးစားရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ နုိင္ ငံတကာနဲ့ယွဥ္နုိင္တဲ့သတင္းတင္ျပမႈေတြျဖစ္လာေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ့ က်ဳိးစားရပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒါေတြ ဒါေတြဟာ ဒီေန့ေျပာင္းလဲျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ မီဒီယာ ေရစီးေျကာင္းအေပၚ ရႈျမင္ခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာဘဲ့ လက္ရွိတုိးတက္ျဖစ္ထြန္းေနတဲ့ နုိင္ငံေရးလမ္းေျကာင္းကေန ေနာက္ျပန္က် မသြားေအာင္။ လူသုံးမ်ားေနတဲ့စကားလုံအရဆုိရင္ေတာ့ "ေနာက္ျပန္ဆုတ္လုိ့မရေတာ့တဲ့ ခုိင္မာတဲ့ အ ေျပာင္းလဲ" ျဖစ္သြားေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ့အားလုံး ၀ုိင္း၀န္းက်ဳိးပန္းဖုိ့ အခ်ိန္ေရာက္ေနပီျဖစ္ေျကာင္း တင္ ျပလုိက္ရပါတယ္။
အတြင္း မီဒီယာ ဖြံ႔ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈ" လုိ့ အမည္ေပးထားတဲ့ အလုပ္ရုံေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတခုကို ဇန္န၀ါရီ ၃၀-ရက္ ဒီေန့မနက္ ၉-နာရီက ရန္ကုန္ အင္းလ်ားကန္ ဟိုတယ္မွာ က်င္းခဲ့ေျကာင္းသိရပါတယ္။
ာက္ စာေပစိစစ္နဲ့ မွတ္ပုံတင္ဌာန ဒုတိယ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး ဦးတင့္ေဆြကလည္း "Current Policy on Drafting Media Law" အမည္ရွိ စာတန္းကိုဖတ္ၾကား တင္ျပခဲ့တယ္လုိ့သိရပါတယ္။
ာင္း၊ ထို႔ေနာက္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုလႊတ္ေတာ္သို႔ဆက္လက္တ
ရွိျပီး ..
ြက္ စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာ္မီတီ
အခန္း(၅) ပုံႏွိပ္စက္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပုံႏွိပ္ထုတ္ေ၀သူမ်ား မွတ္ပုံတင္ျခင္း
အခန္း(၆) သတင္းစာမ်ား၊ စာနယ္ဇင္းမ်ား၊ စာအုပ္စာတန္းမ်ား ထုတ္ေ၀ျခင္း
အခန္း(၇) ျပဌာန္းခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဆန္႔က်င္ကြဲလြဲျခင္းမ်ား
အခန္း(၈) ျပည္တြင္း ျပည္ပ ထုတ္ေ၀ျဖန္႔ခ်ိျခင္း
အခန္း(၉) ျပစ္ဒဏ္မ်ား
အခန္း(၁၀) အေထြေထြ ျပဌာန္းခ်က္မ်ား
ဟူ၍ အၾကမ္းဖ်င္းပါရွိေၾကာင္းသိရပါတယ္။
ဒီအလုပ္ရုံ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ ဒုတိယေန႔ကို မနက္ျဖန္ (၃၁)ရက္ေန႔မွာလဲ ဆက္လက္ျပဳလုပ္မယ္လုိ့သိရပါတယ္။
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မီဒီယာ စီမီနာမွာ ဦးတင္ေဆြ တင္ျပတဲ့ စာတန္း...
Current Policy on Drafting
Media Law
Presented by
Tint Swe [Ye' Yint Tint Swe]
Deputy Director General.
Department of Information and Public Relations
Ministry of Information.
Media Law
Presented by
Tint Swe [Ye' Yint Tint Swe]
Deputy Director General.
Department of Information and Public Relations
Ministry of Information.
IntroductionMyanmar is now transforming to democratic society. To improve this
process one of the vital issue is "Attitude on Media". Nowadays Media (social
or virtual) is one of the crucial estate in political phenomena. Media,
politics and public life are inter-connected relations. Be that as it may, this
paper intends to trace the past Media Laws and the future legislation on
Media. As the presenter is one of the high officials in Information and Public
Relations, this paper is based on the experiences and personal attitude. Also
as an author of books and articles, this paper also represents the feelings and
speculation on future Media Law(s)
(Starting to change) The Media arena
Myanmar had no chance to convene on Media discussions in previous
years from 1962 to 1988, the Socialist Government run the Media Circle in
hegemony and party ideological sense. No one could interfere into the Socialist
party policy, and naturally one party system construed one man rule.
In that period, the regime established a watchdog corp, under the name
of Intelligence Service and the State policy based on one party system was
safeguarded by them. Every sectors were under watched and camour flage
as State Security and defending the Government. The Media world was also
tightened and under the iron heel, no writers, publishers and printers were
expressed free thinking and writings. The Press Serutinity and Registration
Department(PSRD) was also defamed as Military Police Office. Censorship
was very sensitive and naive. But the officials from PSRD were also human
beings. They had also human spirit and morality. They also loved liberty and
free thinking as well. But their profession was under the tightened rules, they
kept away their human spirit and obeyed the orders from upper authourities.
Then they were become notorious. No one can say, what is wrong and what
is right. Under those circumstances, no one could dare to convene like this
seminar.
This phenomena was not exceptional. The Media policy is depending
on State's Policy, it is quite match with the Governmental principles. Nowadays
Myanmar is fowarding to democratic nation with its new Constitution.
The Constitution 2008 indicates the three pillars as the other have, all laws
with previous ideology need to study and review. Some laws will be repealed,
some are need to amend and some are need to prescribe soon.
As the democratic constitutions are shown the importance of the fourth
estate, Myanmar also need to inline with the event. At the time, when the
National Convention on New Constitution processed, the Information Ministry
started to consider on the issue. Gradually, the policy reconsidered and
try to relax. But the process was not obvious and publicised.
This paper can only present briefly, because the work was too intrinsic
and the starting to make a new media law was departmental based. The following
will be the progressive schedule for the new media law from the year
2005.
1) Historically, Myanmar had the following laws regarding to Media.
(a) The Press Act 1867.
(b) The Press Emergency Powers Act 1931
(c) The Copyright Act 1914.
These laws were promulgated by the colonial government since 1867
when Myanmar was under British Government. These laws were enacted up
to 1962. (1)
In 1962, when the Army took the State power and established the Socialist
State, the above mentioned laws were still in practice and more rules,
regulations, instructions and directions were prescribed. Under the Burma
Socialist Programme Party, the Media Circle became rigid and tight, and the
Revolutionary Council (then the Military Government) promulgated the new
regulations and amended the existence.
(d) The Registration of Printers and Publishers law (1962)
But in the initial period of this law had no prior scrutinized regulation
for all literature and periodicals. But in 1964, due to the domestic
curcumstances the strict regulated for prior scrutinized became compulsory.
Later, there were so many rules, regulations, instructions orders and
from time to time notifications were made by concerning office. The 1962
law was amended two times in 1962 and 1971 and the Press Act 1867 was
repealed by this 1962 law.
After 1988, the State Peace and development Council government still
applied the above mentioned laws and regulations. The registration of Printers
and Publishers Law 1962 was amended in 1989. But in 2004 October, the
most powerful Military Intelligence Corps was abolished and in 2005. The
Press scrutiny and Registration Department became under the Ministry of
Information. (Previously it was under Ministry of Home Affairs) and The
Order 22/2005 came out.
From that date 2005- The Relaxation Concept started gradually.
During the 22 years under military administration following the 1988
military coup, in keeping with the aim of establishing a democratic state,
basic requirements for such a state were put in place in all aspects. On the
other hand, various reforms that were called for were implemented gradually
in some certain sectors. With regard to print media the existing legal instruments
at that time were the 1962 Law for Registration of Printers and Publishers
with rules and instructions added from time to time; the 1931 Act
Providing Emergency Powers regarding Printing Presses; the 1914 Copyright
Law etc. In the period from 1988 to 2004 under the military administration,
the only significant change was that the former Literary Workers’ Organization
was reorganized as the Myanmar Writer and Journalists Association.
In October 2004, the powerful military intelligence was dismantled and significant
changes in print media were made. The Department for Press Scrutiny
and Registration that was formerly under the Home Ministry was placed
under the Ministry of Information in April 2005. From that time onward,
under the leadership of Brigadier General Kyaw Sann, Minister of Information,
changes in the conduct of print media business were carried out gradually
with the help of people engaged in this business. Thanks to their discipline,
their understanding of tactical moves made by my department in accordance
with strategies laid down by the ministry. Reforms made in print media
from 2005 to 2011 are listed below:- (2)
(a)In 2005, the following were carried out-
(1)Four aims and objectives regarding scrutiny of publications laid down;
(2) Restrictions prevalent in seven sectors regarding scrutiny of
publications were eased off;
(3) Two strategies for development of print media beneficial to national
interests and to enhance news content in domestic print media;
(4) Laying down of detailed 14 tactical operations and modalities;
(5) Granting publishing licenses to those actually involved in the
publishing business;
(6) Issuing publishing licenses in hundreds in order to promote
competiveness essential in a market economy.
(b) In 2006, the following were carried out-
(1) Writers and journalists were invited to attend a briefing on
developments that had taken place nationwide, disseminating factual
news through the media;
(2) Holding press conferences in various ministries to acquaint journalists
with the kind of work each ministry is doing;
(3) Clear up misunderstanding s by the UN and various countries through
publication of pertinent articles and news releases.
(c) In 2007, the Central Supervising Committee held its second conference
and laid down three policy goals as follows-
(1) To promote furtherance of national interests by media people;
(2) To adopt “rely on a positive approach, goodwill and take a charitable
view “ as ones’ watchword in this endeavour;
(3) To see that dissent do not degenerate into conflict.
(d) In 2008, a delegation headed by a Deputy Director General was sent to
Singapore on a study tour and the following steps taken –
(1) Print and Broadcast media met with AMIC /AIBD groups and on
return, put up proposed changes to respective media to the minister
who gave necessary instructions and comments regarding their
implementation;
(2) In order to obtain end user reaction on these issues, the Department
for Scrutiny and Registration of Publications met with members of
the Literati and Journalists’ Association to prepare
media for the task of taking self-responsibility in their work.
(3) To imbue press, publishers and editors with this concept of selfresponsibility;
meanwhile the ministry will not neglect its responsibility
to take the lead in instilling this concept among this community;
(4) To cultivate the practice of printing what is newsworthy; while giving
this information in a timely fashion.
(e) 2009.Chapter VIII of The Constitution of the Republic of the Union of
Myanmar (2008) provides in section 354,sub-section (a) that “ Every citizen
shall be at liberty….to express and publish freely their convictions and
opinions” and in sub-section (d) “ ..to develop their language, literature ,culture
they cherish, religion they profess and customs…” A print media law that
will satisfy these requirements being needed, the following steps were taken
for its realization-
(1) Print media laws from various countries were procured for study;
(2) Relevant measures were taken to draft a law that will bring the terms
provided by the Constitution into fruition. (3)
(f) In 2010, the following measures were taken-
(1) Meetings were held during the months of June, October and December
during this year to identify strategies on how to ease the present
restrictions in the process of scrutinizing publications through stepby-
step moves.
(2) The plan to bring step-by-step changes in the application of the present
policy on scrutiny of publications was approved.
From the year 2010 following the election of a democratic government, a
fourth column closely tied to the triumvirate of legislative, judicial and
administrative functions of the state was fashioned with the participation of
the people. Five principles were laid down to bring the various issues involved
into sharper focus. These were-
(1) The application of Unity in Democracy, the need for such a principle,
being evident in the lack of a united effort in the literary world during
the period 1948 to 1962.
(2) To uphold national interests as the underlying principle in every facet.
(3) To eschew partiality.
(4) To take the basic position that ones’ view shall be tempered by
disciplined freedom and responsibility, liberality with reason overall.
(5) That the Association of Literati and Journalists provide guidance in
this process.
Making a distinction between publish –then – submit and submit –
then – publish processes, from 2011 June, a total of 82 journals, 96
magazines and articles of general interest belonging to five categories
were allowed to publish without preview requirements in Phase I,
similarly, from 2011 December, 32 journals, 22 magazines and
articles of general interest belonging to two categories were given
free rein to publish without preview requirements; at present, ongoing
studies are being made to remove preview requirements for
publications in the remaining three categories. The number of
publications meanwhile has grown to 204 weekly journals, 189
monthly magazines and 532 miscellaneous publications. The types
of miscellaneous publications issued during the course of this year
number 12,405. (4)
A law for print media, that abides by the provisions set forth in the
constitution is also being drafted at the same time as mentioned
follows-
(a) Using the 1931 act granting emergency powers in dealing with
publishing houses and the 1962 Law for Registration of Printing
and Publishing as guides.
(b) Using tenets enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights as guides in establishing terms for press freedom, rights and
responsibilities for writers and journalists and culling pertinent aspects
of legislation on print media promulgated in countries such as USA,
UK, Germany, Hungary, Singapore, Malaysia, Viet Nam , the
Philippines, Thai and Cambodia.
(c) The draft legislation will be submitted to the Attorney General’s
Office for comments , then to the cabinet for approval and then to
the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw for approval and its subsequent
promulgation in keeping with established procedure.
The Printing Press and Publications Law as it has been termed
provisionally, will be made up of chapters mentioned below-
Chapter I- Definitions.
Chapter II- Rights, Duties and Ethical Codes for Writers and
Journalists.
Chapter III- Principles to be observed by publications.
Chapter IV- Committee for Press Freedom and Raising Ethical
Standards.
Chapter V- Registration of Printers, Publishers and Distributors.
Chapter VI-Handing in Newspapers, Periodicals, Journals,
Magazines, Books and Other Publications.
Chapter VII- Newspapers, Periodicals, Journals, Magazines and Other
Publications that are contrary to terms and provisions of this law.
Chapter VIII- Dissemination of publications externally or internally.
Chapter IX- Penalties.
Chapter X- General Provisions.
While this piece of draft legislation undergoes the process necessary for it to
become law, as I have mentioned above, one thing I can assure you is that
such freedom, rights and protective measures granted by the constitution and
8
democratic principles shall be observed. Thank you for your kind attention
during this presentation and I would like to add that such comments and advice
given in this workshop by scholars, distinguished guests and those who have
presented papers will be noted down by me and given due consideration.
Media are intermediate agencies that enables communication to take
place. (5)
The Media are business and yet they are also ascribed a special function
in the democratic health of a society; the media are the news media and function
as journalism, but they are also the entertainment media and provide escape
from the presssures of everyday life. (6)
Successful media strategies are increasingly dependent on the
management of the policy. But the media have been criticised for a variety of
reasons
- they are said to focus too much on conflict & personalities.
- they are involved in unnessary intrusions of privacy.
- they exacerbate the distance between the public and those who govern
them.
- they do not facilitate a great diversity of view-point.
It is important that we critique modern media methods that alienate the
public and hinder the democratic health of a society, but we must do this
within a context that locates the Media as a legitimate and central
communicative mechanism in modern societies that validates the performative
basis of public life. (7)
The following points to ponder may conclude the paper.
Myanmar' transition is processing.It should understand that progress
will be slow,but the State move carefully. It is unlikely that without some
legal framework as exists for real-world speech and action, moral suasion
will be enough to convince public to support freedom of speech and expression.
It would be nice to have a flexible set of legislation, relaxible procedures
that could be used against different regimes and different period, time to time
different public.
The Media envirionment always demand for freedom of expression.
But every citizen must aware on his rights and responsibilities.
Media were central to both the freedoms and the disciplinary structures
of the nation & national identity.
Thank You all
End Notes
(1) Myanmar law Index 2011.
(2) Ministry of Information, Laws, Regulations, Instructions and Orders; Central Supervision Committee
Up to 2010 March
(3) Union of Myanmar Constitution 2008.
(4) Ministry of information, literature Scrutiny Policy: Changes and Performative;
Instructions and Notifications
1st Phase 2011 June
2nd Phase 2011 December
(5) O Sullivan. T-et -al, 1994 Key Concepts in Communication & Cultural Studies 2 nd edition: Routledge
london. P-176)
(6) [Geoffrey Craig "The Media, Politics & Public life South Asian Edition: Allen & Unwin 2007] P-3
(7) Shirky, Clay The Political Power of Social media, the Public Sphere and Political Change
Foreign Affairs, New York: Jan / Feb 2011 Vol 90, issue 1, P-28.
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က်ေနာ္ ဘေလာ့ဆီ ၀င္ဖတ္တဲ့ ရန္ကုန္နဲ့ မႏၱေလးရွိ လူငယ္ ၂-ဦးကေန ခင္ဗ်ားက ၀ါရင့္ သတင္းေထာက္ လုပ္ပီး သတင္းစာပညာအေျကာင္း ပညာေပးကိစၥမေျပာဘဲ့ ေတာထဲက အေျကာင္းေတြခ်ည္းေျပာေနတယ္ လုိ့မွတ္ခ်က္ေပးလာပါတယ္။
က်ေနာ္ဆီက သူတုိ့စိတ္၀င္စားတာက သတင္းစာပညာလုိ့ဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္ကလဲ သတင္းစာပညာကုိ စာတေစာင္ ေပတဖြဲ့ေရးထားတာမရွိေသးပါဘူး။
တျခားမွာလုိက္ရွာေတာ့လဲ ဘာမွအေသခ်ာမေတြ့ပါဘူး။
ဒါေျကာင့္ BBC က လင့္ေတြကိုလဲ့ ေလာေလာဆယ္တင္ေပးထားပါတယ္။
က်ေနာ္ကိုယ္ပုိင္ အေတြ့အျကုံနဲ့ အျမင္ေတြကုိ မျကာခင္ေရးျပနုိင္ဖုိ့ က်ဳိးစားမည္ျဖစ္ပါေျကာင္း...။
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၁- ဘီဘီစီ- ျမန္မာပိုင္း သတင္းပညာေကာလိပ္မွ...
သတင္းေထာက္ေတြ သတင္းေရးနည္း ၁-
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၂-သတင္းေရးနည္း ၂
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၃- သတင္းေရးနည္း ၃
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၄- မွ်မွ်တတ သေဘာထားအျမင္...
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၅- စာကုိ နားနဲ့ဖတ္ပါ...
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၆- စာကုိနားနဲ့ဖတ္ပါ ၂-
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၇- ဘာသာျပန္ျခင္း..
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၈- အင္တာနက္ စာမ်က္နွာေပၚက နုိင္ငံျခားစကားအသုံးအနႈံး
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The role of the media in Burma’s transition to democracy
Htet Aung KyawFeb 20, 2009 (DVB), In much of Europe, the US, Australia and Japan, media workers are safe and sound. But in Burma, while the military junta is still in power, it is very difficult and dangerous work.
One foreign journalist was killed in the 2007 Saffron Revolution while some citizen journalists are still missing. At least twelve journalists were detained during the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis and the constitutional referendum in May 2008. Some received long-term prison sentences, including bloggers Zarganar and Nay Phone Latt, while print journalists have been jailed for three to seven years.
There were three reasons why these people were arrested. One: for sending information and pictures to exile media, including DVB. Two: for reporting stories about the life of Nargis refugees, corruption in the judicial system and whatever else the government does not want the public to know about, in private journals in Rangoon. Three: for writing stories about Nargis and the Saffron Revolution on blogs. According to the Burma Media Association and Reporters Sans Frontieres, at least 12 journalists and dozens of media workers including poets and writers are still in jail.
The media in Burma
In my view, there are six kinds of media in Burma. One is the government’s 100 percent controlled media, such as state-run TV, short wave and FM radio and newspapers. Two is the 75 percent government-controlled media or so-called private print media, including around 300 journals and magazines.
Three is the exile or foreign-based broadcast media, such as DVB’s satellite TV, short wave radio service from DVB, RFA (Radio Free Asia), VOA (Voice of America) and the BBC’s Burmese Service. Four is the internet news services based in exile, such as the English-language Irrawaddy and Mizzima, or the New Era and Network Media Group in Burmese.
Five is the ethnic language internet news service, such as the Independent Mon News Agency, Kachin News Group, Kaladan Press, Kantarawaddy Times, Kaowao News, Khonumthung News, Narinjara News and Shan Herald Agency for News. The DVB airs 30 minutes of ethnic language programmes every day while the RFA also airs some broadcasts. Six is the blogs inside and outside the country.
According to some researchers, the biggest audiences (around 5 to 10 million listeners or 10 to 20 percent of the country’s population) are reached by foreign-based short wave radios , VOA, BBC, RFA and DVB, while DVB‘s satellite TV takes second place. The third is likely to be government-controlled TV and radio while private weekly journals are fourth. However, internet news services and blogs are gaining popularity these days, especially among young people, although the government trying to control access strictly.
What is the media doing today?
Every day in Burma, state-controlled TV just shows the generals and government officials visiting some development projects while the government radio airs the generals’ speeches. The next day in the newspapers, print journalists repeat the same stories with some pictures added and harsh words to attack opposition and western countries who sanction them. So the audiences lose interest on government media but they turn on the TV to watch Korean movies and also buy the newspapers to read the obituaries and skip straight to the back page where they are found.
Journalists working for the 300 private journals and magazines have no chance to write stories on political, economic or social issues as these are censored by the Press Scrutiny Board. Instead, every week they just print pictures of sexy ladies, stories about fashion and pop music, horoscopes and foreign sport news. Even then, they are not allowed to write the country’s losing sport and so all sport journals focus instead on the English Premier League, Spain’s La Liga, Italy’s Serie A and the UEFA Cup. However, the public is still buying the journals as they want to find out about local news which is rare to see in the government-controlled media or exile broadcasts.
Meanwhile, the exile or foreign-based media’s main focus is the opposition and pro-democracy movement inside the country and overseas. The crackdown on the 2007 Saffron Revolution, the death toll from Cyclone Nargis and the long prison terms given to hundreds of activist have been the main stories over the past year or so. Apart from the opposition movement, most other stories focus on local authorities’ abuse of power, such as the use of force labour, forced portering and guard duty, land confiscation and extortion. They also air stories on the hardship of people’s daily life. But it is still rare to hear stories about education, social issues, health, the environment and grassroots activism as we are far from the ground. We also have difficulties trying to interview government officials and so some stories are still one-sided.
Censorship and self-censorship
According to RSF, the government in Burma has used a very large spectrum of mechanisms and policies to oppress journalists and suppress freedom of expression. All the news stories and articles which you see in private journals and magazines in Rangoon has been censored by Press Scrutiny Board. The main job of publishers and chief editors is to try to strike a good deal with PSB officials, which means giving gifts of whisky, tobacco or money to encourage them to approve their stories on time. All stories must be sent to the PSB a week before their publishing date so the news in private journals is never up to date.
Moreover, every journal and magazine must add at least one story from the Information Ministry , either propaganda about government activities or an attack on the opposition and the pro-democracy movement. Sometimes, when the propaganda machine is busy, chief editors are pressured to write these stories themselves. Every journalist needs permission from the relevant ministers to interview any civil servant. Young and active journalists have often been detained on the accusation that they have not had proper permission from a minister. In some cases, journalists have been beaten up by government thugs for trying to write about corruption of officials or murder cases.
Meanwhile, journalists in exile, especially donor-based media organisations, face a different form of censorship or self-censorship. "You can criticise the military regime as much as you want but leave us alone," is a big joke in our circle, referring to the unofficial warning from the pro-democracy groups. Many politicians in exile and inside the country have a limited understanding of the role of independent media. They are still not sure if we are their comrades or independent media guys. This is because most journalists working for the exile media are former activists. In actual fact, we are heading for the same goal , democracy , but in different ways.
"Now is not the right time for criticism within the movement. All it will do is benefit the enemies of the democracy movement and the military regime," some politicians have told me.
Moreover, there are different kinds of donors , some prefer to promote media freedom while others prefer to support the opposition movement. Some pro-democracy groups have sent letters of complaint to donors when we have criticised the weak points of the exile movement. This could make it very hard for those of us media organisations who want to play an independent role in the coming 2010 election, which most pro-democracy groups oppose. They are still holding on to the result of the 1990 election and are demanding this result be respected before a new election can go ahead.
What is the role of media in the 2010 election and the transition to democracy?
Many observers say that foreign-based Burmese language short wave radio stations and satellite TV will play a key role in the upcoming election, in contrast to the 1990 election. This is because DVB was only born in 1992 and RFA in 1997 while the BBC and VOA only began to play an active role after DVB and RFA were set up. But no one knows yet how much the regime will allows the foreign media to cover the run-up to the election. As we all know, the junta did not allow foreign journalists to cover the Nargis aftermath last year or the Saffron Revolution in 2007. However, all media in exile, especially DVB‘s satellite TV broadcast, are constantly providing up to date information. So this might continue as we approach the pre-election era.
I’m not sure how the situation will change in the run-up to the election. But one thing I’m sure of is that we now have a key role to play urging the public to tell the truth. Here in Barcelona, or in other European countries, telling the truth is normal, but it is very dangerous in Burma. One foreign diplomat was jailed for three years in Burma for using a fax machine without proper permission from the authorities in 1996. At least one MP was jailed for seven years for giving a telephone interview to the BBC in 1998. At least one more person was imprisoned for listening to our broadcast over a loudspeaker in 1999. Two men were jailed for seven years for reading the New Era Journal in 2002. Since 2002, many more have been jailed in connection with media activities but the junta no longer prosecutes them under media law but instead brings criminal charges.
In this situation, urging the public to speak out is not an easy task. But we have had people calling in every day since 2002. This is because our media , I mean all foreign-based radio and internet news services , is the one place where they can tell the truth or express their true feelings. Most of our audience’s true feelings are, "Can no one take action against this regime and the local authorities who abuse their power?" The most of civilian in Burma are still used for force labour, forced portering and guard duty, or are victims of land confiscation or extortion by soldiers, police and local authorities, day in, day out. But, despite hundreds of complaint letters sent by these villagers to the government offices in Naypyidaw, no one can take action against these authorities.
"Talking to you radio stations is the only way to take action against the local authorities who abuse their power," I was told by an editor in Rangoon. "I have seen a lot of evidence of action being taken after you broadcast news stories about their abuses. This is a good sign for the media" the editor commented. That is why many members of the public, including farmer, villagers and tribespeople in the countryside talk to us. But the authorities, although they monitor our broadcasts, never reply to our enquiries.
Supporting independent media
An independent media is vital in the transition to democracy in Burma. Although there is no independent media in the country, we exile journalists and some active journalists in private journals in Rangoon are playing a key role in urging the people to speak out. I hope that telling the truth can be the first step towards acting on the truth, and perhaps in this way the people will vote for the opposition in the election and will no longer be afraid of the military.
I want to urge the EU and the Western community to use some of their money for media projects and to encourage people to tell the truth. Not only supporting the exile media, but also looking for any opportunity to challenge government control of the media and to change the mindset of the generals who see the media as their enemy. Unless the generals’ negative view of independent media can be changed, it will remain hard for foreign journalists to go Burma.
Recently, some Scandinavian ministers visited to Burma with a media crew from their country to check how the military regime was using their donation of hundreds of millions of kroner to Nargis-affected areas. But the regime would not allow the media crew into the area, only the ministers. This is unacceptable to a democratic community that respects independent monitoring, transparency, accountability and credibility. Without media oversight, how can you donate millions of Euros to the military regime? Should you still donate if the military takes 50 percent of your donation? But if you do not, the people not even get that 50 percent.
Let me conclude this discussion with a comment from RSF’s Asia director, Vincent Brossel: "As we usually say, ‘There is no freedom without press freedom.’ But in the case of Burma, we might say, ‘There will be no press freedom without democracy.'"
Htet Aung Kyaw is a senior journalist for the Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma.
This commentary was originally presented at a conference on the role of media in Burmese conflict resolution organised by Burma Campaign Spain in Barcelona in early February.