Saturday, May 30, 2015

Notes from Oslo Conference of Rohingyas

Nobel laureates appeal for end to persecution of Rohingya

May 29, 2015

COPENHAGEN, Denmark — Several Nobel Peace Prize winners have called for an end to the persecution of Myanmar's Rohingya Muslims, describing it as "nothing less than genocide," and appealed for international help for them in Rakhine state. 

The appeal followed two conferences in the Norwegian capital where participants witnessed video addresses from Nobel Peace Prize laureates, including from South Africa's retired Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Iranian human rights activist Shirin Ebadi and former East Timor President Jose Ramos-Horta. 

"What Rohingyas are facing is a textbook case of genocide in which an entire indigenous community is being systematically wiped out by the Burmese government," the final statement said. 

Held at the Nobel Institute in Oslo, the conference urged the international community "to take all possible measures to pressure" the Myanmar government to "immediately end its policies and practices of genocide." 

Philanthropist George Soros, who escaped Nazi-occupied Hungary, said that there were "alarming" parallels between the plight of the Rohingya and the Nazi genocide. 

Pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi hadn't been invited to the event, organized by several international organizations. During her 15 years under house arrest, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate won admiration for her fiery speeches and scathing criticism of the military regime that ruled Myanmar, or Burma, at the time. Her critics note she is carefully choosing her battles, in part because she has presidential ambitions. 

In recent weeks, thousands of Rohingya have fled persecution and landed on the shores of Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, often abandoned by human traffickers or freed after their families paid ransoms. There are approximately 1.3 million Rohingya Muslims.
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The Speech of Archbishop Desmond Tutu at The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of Rohingyas

May 26, 2015
Oslo, Norway

Hello peace lovers, colleagues, and friends. I'm sorry to have to address you electronically. One of the pitfalls of old age is that travel becomes somewhat tricky. Thank you for the opportunity to say a few words of encouragement and solidarity as you settle down to apply your minds to solving one of the most enduring human rights crises on earth. 

The credit that is due to the government of Myanmar for reforms undertaken over the past couple of years does not blind us to the ongoing disavowal and repression of its ethnic minorities, the Rohingya population in particular. A country that is not at peace with itself, that fails to acknowledge and protect the dignity and worth of all its people, is not a free country. Freedom is indivisible. All must be invited. All, a part. 

The Rohingya people were not consulted when the British drew the Burmese border on the map. With those strokes of a pen, they became a borderland people; people whose ancestral land traverses political boundaries. Burma's post colonial government elected in 1948 officially recognized the Rohingya as an indigenous community, as did its first military government that ruled from 1962 to 1974. 

Manipulation by the military of ethnic minorities in the west of the country dates back to the late 1950s. At first, the military sought to co-opt the Muslim Rohingya to quell the Buddhist Rakhine after Rakhine separatists had been crushed. The military turned only Rohingya. In 1978, the Far Eastern Economic review described the Rohingya as the victims of Burmese apartheid. 

A few years later, a citizenship law left the Rohingya off the list of indigenous people, describing them as Muslim immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. In the context of rising anti-Muslim sentiment in Myanmar, many Buddhists, particularly in Rakhine State regard the Rohingya as illegal immigrants. More than 100,000 Rohingya are trapped in internment camps. They may not leave “for their own protection.” They hold only temporary identity cards. In February, they lost all voting rights. 

The government of Myanmar has sought to absolve itself of responsibility for the conflict between the Rakhine and the Rohingya, projecting it as sectarian or communal violence. I would be more inclined to heed the warnings of eminent scholars and researchers including Amartya Sen, the Nobel laureate in economics, who say this is a deliberately false narrative to camouflage the slow genocide being committed against the Rohingya people. There's evidence they say that anti-Rohingya sentiment has been carefully cultivated by the government itself. 

Human beings may look and behave differently to one another, but ultimately none of us can claim any kind of supremacy. We are all the same. There are no natural differences between Buddhists and Muslims. It is possible to transplant a Christian heart into a Hindu chest and for a citizen of Israel to donate a kidney to a Palestinian. We're born to love-- without prejudice, without distrust. Members of one family, the human family-- made for each other and for goodness. All of us! 

We are taught to discriminate, to dislike, and to hate. As lovers of peace and believers in the right of all members of the family to dignity and security, we have particular responsibilities to the Rohingya. 

2015 is a big year for Myanmar with both a referendum on its constitution and a general election on its calendar. Even as we seek to encourage the country to build on the reforms it has started, we have a responsibility to ensure that the plight of the Rohingya is not lost. We have a responsibility to hold to account those of our governments and corporations that seek to profit from new relationships with Myanmar to ensure their relationships are established on sound ethical basis. 

We have a responsibility to persuade our international and regional aid and grant making institutions, including the European Union, to adopt a common position making funding the development of Myanmar conditional on the restoration of citizenship, nationality, and basic human rights to the Rohingya. 

Over to you. Thank you and God bless you all.
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The Speech of George Soros at The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of Rohingyas

May 26, 2015
Oslo, Norway

Greetings, everybody. I regret I can't be there in person. I have been a supporter of Burma's democracy movement since 1993. For most of that time, the prospect of change seemed remote, and I felt increasingly discouraged. Then, in 2010, quite suddenly, or so it seemed, the ruling military junta decided to abandon absolute authoritarian rule. The world was stunned. My engagement in Burma during those dark days taught me an important lesson. Sometimes it's necessary to support a lost cause for a long time just to keep the flame alive. That way, when the situation changes, groundwork for progress has already been laid. As I speak to you today, I find myself again growing discouraged. Making the transition from military rule to a more open society is not easy, and in many ways the government of Burma has made real progress in its reform efforts. I fear that many of these reforms are not sustainable, because they have not yet been institutionalized. 

It's also true that political and economic power remains mostly concentrated in the hands of a privileged few who monopolize the revenue from Burma's abandoned natural resources. The most immediate threat to Burma's transition is the rising anti-Muslim sentiment and officially condoned abuse of the Rohingya people. That has occurred under watch of the current rulers in Naypyidaw. From private conversations with progressive Burmese officials, I know that some in power genuinely want to see a Burma where all are treated equally, but these officials also fear the potential of extremist violence from the small but powerful group of religious radicals. These extremists have created a tinder box that could blow up the entire reform process. The government must confront these extremists and their financial supporters. 

In January when I visited Burma for the 4th time in as many years, I made a short visit to Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State in order to see for myself the situation on the ground. I met with state and local readers and both Rakhine and Rohingya populations, and also talked to internally displaced persons and those mostly Rohingya living in a section of Sittwe called Aung Mingalar, a part of the city that can only be called a ghetto. In Aung Mingalar, I heard the echoes of my childhood. You see, in 1944, as a Jew in Budapest, I too was a Rohingya. Much like the Jewish ghettos set up by Nazis around Eastern Europe during World War II, Aung Mingalar has become the involuntary home to thousands of families who once had access to healthcare, education, and employment. Now, they are forced to remain segregated in a state of abject deprivation. The parallels to the Nazi genocide are alarming. Fortunately, we have not reached a stage of mass killing. 

I feel very strongly that we must speak out before it is too late, individually and collectively. The Burmese government's insistence that they are keeping the Rohingya in the ghetto for their own protection simply is not credible. Government authorities have tried to reassure me. They say things are under control and not as bad as reported by outsiders who they claim don't understand the local culture or the long and complicated history of Rakhine State. I understand that half a century of living in isolation under repression can make a population vulnerable to intermediation and exploitation in all sorts of ways, but I also know that most of the people of Burma are fair-minded and would like their country to be a place where all can live in freedom. 2015 is a crucial year for Burma; a tipping point, in the words of Yanghee Lee, U.S. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. With the prospect of democratic changes to the 2008 constitution and the holding of free and fair elections, meaningful reform could take hold. 

As a longtime friend and supporter of Burma, I hope for a positive outcome for all the people of the country, but where I once felt a great sense of optimism, I am now filled with trepidation for the future. I hope those in power will immediately take the steps necessary to counter extremism and allow open society to take root. In the lead up to the elections, it's crucial that official acts should be taken to counter the pervasive hate and anti- Rohingya propaganda on social media and the racist public campaigns of the 969 movement. The promise of Burma as a flourishing and vibrant open society is still within reach. It's up to Burma's leaders and people whether this promise is fulfilled.
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The Speech of Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at The Oslo Conference to End Myanmar’s Systematic Persecution of Rohingyas

May 26, 2015
Oslo Norway

I feel much saddened by the events taking place in Myanmar today. I was very instrumental in getting Myanmar to become a member of the ASEAN, the regional grouping of Southeast Asian countries. Myanmar, geographically, is definitely a part of Southeast Asia, and its exclusion would be contrary to the idea of South East Asian unity. But now, we find that Myanmar is not treating its own people the way we treat Myanmar.

We did not want Myanmar to be excluded but Myanmar today is taking action to expel the Rohingyas, the Muslim part of this population who have been there for the past 800 years or so. They have always been regarded as citizens of Burma before, and since Myanmar is a continuation of Burma it should accept these people as its citizens. 

Now Malaysia also has a lot of people from other countries who have settled here in the last 200 years or so. We decided that they have a right to be citizens of Malaysia, to be given political rights, and to be allowed to train and carry out business in Malaysia. We regard them as our citizens.

Unlike Malaysia, we find that Myanmar does not even want to recognize the Rohingyas who have been there all this while as its citizens. This is grossly unjust on the part of the government of Myanmar. I had expected that those who benefited from our struggle to get Myanmar to release (for example Aung San Suu Kyi) that they would realize that oppression by the government is something that is intolerable; and yet few people from Myanmar have risen to the occasion to defend the rights of the Rohingyas who after all are citizens of Myanmar.

I hope that the international community would focus its attention on the problem of the Rohingyas who are Muslims, but they are citizens of this Buddhist dominated country. They should live and be allowed to live in Myanmar without oppression. There should be tolerance of peoples of other religions.

Again I would like to mention that in Malaysia, although the majority of the people are Muslims, we have treated people with other faiths with consideration and we have given them rights to become citizens of Malaysia and to benefit from the laws of this country. I hope that the international community would focus on the problem of the Rohingyas who today are being forced to flee in ships to other countries and many of them drown in the sea because they were not able to get good ships to carry them to other countries.

This is a human tragedy and I do hope that the international community would help these unfortunate people of Myanmar who have been discriminated against in a way that is not becoming of a country that aspires to become a democratic country. I thank you.
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Wednesday, May 27, 2015

ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေတြ နီးလာတဲ့အခါ

The Voice Daily, May 27, 2015.

၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြရလာဒ္ ဘာျဖစ္သြားျပီလဲ

ဒီကေန႔က်ေရာက္တဲ့ ေမလ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔ဟာ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ NLD  အျပတ္အသတ္အနုုိင္ရ ခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ ၁၉၉၀ ေမလ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၂၅ နွစ္ျပည့္ေန႔ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ နွစ္ သုုိ႔မဟုုတ္ ၂၀၁၂ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတုုိင္မီအထိ ေမလ ၂၇ ေရာက္တုုိင္း ျပည္တြင္း ျပည္ပရွိ NLD ပါတီ၀င္ေတြ၊ ဒီမုုိကေရစီအင္အားစုုေတြက ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေအာင္ပဲြေန႔ အခမ္းအနားေတြ က်င္းပေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ အခုုခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ၂၅ နွစ္ၾကာခဲ့ျပီျဖစ္တဲ့ ၉၀ ရလာဒ္ကိုု ျပန္ေျပာေနမဲ့အစား မနက္ျဖန္ သဖက္ခါ က်င္းပေတာ့မဲ့ ၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအေၾကာင္းေျပာတာက ပိုုလက္ေတြ႔က်လိမ့္မယ္လိုု႔ ဆုုိလာေနၾကပါျပီ။ အစိုုးရပုုိင္မီဒီယာ၊ ပုုဂၢလိကပုုိင္မီဒီယာေတြကလည္း ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအေၾကာင္း ဘာမွမေျပာေတာ့ပဲ ဒီနွစ္ကုုန္ပုုိင္းမွာက်င္းပမယ္ဆုုိတဲ့ ၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအေၾကာင္းသာ အေလးေပးေဖၚျပေနတာေတြ႔ ရပါတယ္။ 

မေန႔တေန႔ကဆုုိရင္ ျပန္ၾကားေရး၀န္ၾကီးဦးရဲထြဋ္က ဦးတင္ေအး ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေကာ္မရွင္ ရဲ့ ၀ဘ္ဆုုိက္လိပ္စာအသစ္အေၾကာင္း သူ႔ရဲ့ Facebook မွာ ေၾကာ္ညာထားတာေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဘာေတြ မ်ားေရး ထားသလဲ၊ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြရလာဒ္အေပၚ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေကာ္မရွင္က ဘယ္လိုုသေဘာထား လဲဆုုိတာ သိခ်င္လုုိ႔ ၀င္ဖတ္ၾကည့္မိပါတယ္။

ေကာ္မရွင္ရဲ့သမုုိင္းဆုုိင္ရာေဖၚျပခ်က္မွာ ျမန္မာ့နုုိင္ငံေရး ေခတ္ ေခတ္ ဆုုိတဲ့မွတ္ခ်က္ပါရွိျပီး ၁၉၂၂ ကေန ၁၉၄၇ အထိကုုိ ကုုိလုုိနီေခတ္၊ ၁၉၄၈ ကေန ၁၉၆၂ အထိကုုိ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရျပီးေခတ္၊ ၁၉၆၂ ကေန ၁၉၈၈ အထိကုုိ မဆလ ပါတီေခတ္နဲ႔ ၁၉၈၉ ကေန ဒီေန႔ ၂၀၁၅ အထိကာလကိုု ပါတီစုုံဒီမုုိကေရစီေခတ္လိုု႔ ဆုုိထားပါတယ္။

၁၉၂၂ ကေန ၁၉၈၈ အထိ ေခတ္ ေခတ္ သတ္မွတ္ခ်က္ကိုု သိပ္ေျပာစရာမရွိေပမဲ့ ၁၉၈၉ ကေန ဒီေန႔ ၂၀၁၅ အထိ ၂၆ နွစ္တာ ကာလကုုိ ပါတီစံုုဒီမုုိကေရစီေခတ္လိုု႔ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေကာ္မရွင္က သတ္မွတ္တာ ကေတာ့ သမုုိင္းကိုုလုုိရာဆဲြယူထားသလုုိျဖစ္ေနတယ္လိုု႔ ခံစားမိပါတယ္။ ၁၉၈၈ ကေန မေန႔တေန႔ကအထိ၊ အတိအက်ေျပာရမယ္ ဆုုိရင္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြြးေကာက္ပဲြနဲ႔ ၂၀၁၂ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမတုုိင္မီအထိ အာဏာသိမ္းစစ္အုုပ္စုုရဲ့ တုုိက္ရုုိက္ အုုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈအာက္မွာ ျမန္မာတနုုိင္ငံလုုံးရွိခဲ့တာကိုု လူတုုိင္းသိေနပါရဲ့နဲ႔ ဘာေၾကာင့္မ်ား ပါတီစုုံဒီမုုိကေရစီေခတ္လုုိ႔ေျပာမွန္း နားကိုုမလည္နုုိင္ပါ။

ဒါေပမယ့္ မတတ္နုုိင္။ ေလာေလာဆယ္ေတာ့ ဒီလိုုသေဘာထားရွိတဲ့ ေကာ္မရွင္က ဦးစီးက်င္းပမဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုုိ NLD အပါ၀င္ နုုိင္ငံေရးပါတီအားလုုံးက ၀င္ျပိဳင္ဖိုု႔အသင့္ျပင္ေနၾကပါျပီ။ မဲဆႏၵရွင္ ေတြအားလုုံးက မဲေပးဖုုိ႔ အသင့္ ျဖစ္ေနၾကပါျပီ၊ နုုိင္ငံတကာေလ့လာေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြ၊ ျပည္တြင္းေစာင့္ၾကည့္မႈ အဖြဲ႔ေတြက ေထာက္ခံ၊ အားေပးဖုုိ႔ အသင့္ ျဖစ္ေနၾကျပီ မဟုုတ္ပါလား။

က်င္းပခဲ့ဖူးေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမ်ား

ျမန္မာနုုိင္ငံမွာ ပထမဆုုံး က်င္းပခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြဟာ ၁၉၂၂ ခုုနွစ္ နုုိ၀င္ဘာလ ၂၂ ရက္ေန႔ က က်င္းပ တဲ့ ဒုုိင္အာခီစနစ္ ဥပေဒျပဳလြတ္ေတာ္ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြျဖစ္တယ္လိုု႔ ေကာ္မရွင္ကေျပာပါတယ္။ ၁၉၂၅၊ ၁၉၂၈၊ ၁၉၃၂ တုုိ႔မွာ ေနာက္ထပ္ ၾကိမ္က်င္းပျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ဒုုိင္အာခီအုုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး နိဂံုုးခ်ဳပ္သြားပါတယ္။

အဲဒီေနာက္ ၉၁ ဌာနအုုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးစနစ္ရဲ့ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ား ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကုုိ ၁၉၃၆ နုုိ၀င္ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႔မွာက်င္းပခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၃၉ ကေန ၁၉၄၅ ခုုနွစ္အတြင္းမွာေတာ့ ဒုုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္နဲ႔တုုိးေနတဲ့အတြက္ ဘာေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမွ မလုုပ္နုုိင္ခဲ့ပါ။ 

ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒုုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္အျပီး ၁၉၄၇ ခုုနွစ္ ဧျပီလ   ရက္ေန႔မွာက်င္းပတဲ့ တုုိင္းျပဳျပည္ျပဳလြတ္ေတာ္ ေရြး ေကာက္ပဲြကေတာ့ စိတ္၀င္စားဖုုိ႔ေကာင္းမယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုရင္ ဗုုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း အပါ၀င္ ဒီေန႔ေခတ္လူငယ္ေတြသိတဲ့ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ေတာ္လွန္ေရး၊ နုုိင္ငံေရးသမားအေတာ္မ်ား မ်ား၀င္ျပိဳင္ခဲ့ၾကလုုိ႔ပါ။ 

ဖက္ဆစ္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ျပည့္သူလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (ဖဆပလ) ဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ၊ ကရင္အမ်ဳိး သား သမဂၢနဲ႔ တသီးပုုဂၢလေတြအၾကိတ္အနယ္၀င္ျပိဳင္ၾကျပီး ဖဆပလ က ၉၀ ရာခုုိင္နႈန္းေက်ာ္ အနုုိင္ရခဲ့ တယ္လိုု႔ ေရြး ေကာက္ပဲြေကာ္မရွင္ရဲ့ သမုုိင္းမွာေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာနုုိင္ငံလြတ္လပ္ေရးျပီးေနာက္ ဗိုုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေန၀င္း အာဏာမသိမ္းခင္အထိ ၁၉၄၈ ကေန ၁၉၆၂ အတြင္း မွာေတာ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ၾကိမ္က်င္းပခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၅၁ ဇြန္လကေန ၁၉၅၂ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီလအထိ ပထမ အၾကိမ္၊ ၁၉၆၅ ဧျပီလ ၂၇ မွာ ဒုုတိယအၾကိမ္နဲ႔ ၁၉၆၀ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီလ ရက္ေန႔မွာ တတိယအၾကိမ္ တုုိ႔ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၆၂ မတ္လ ရက္ေန႔မွာတာ့ အိမ္ေစာင့္အစိုုးရက အာဏာသိမ္းလုုိက္ပါတယ္။

ဦးေန၀င္းလက္ေအာက္ မဆလ ေခတ္မွာ ၁၉၇၄၊ ၁၉၇၈၊ ၁၉၈၁ နဲ႔ ၁၉၈၅ မွာ ၾကိမ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ က်င္းပခဲ့ ပါ တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အရင္ေခတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေတြလုုိ ကိုုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြအၾကိတ္ အနယ္ယွဥ္ျပိဳင္တဲ့ပဲြမ်ဳိးမဟုုတ္ပဲ မဆလ ပါတီက ခ်ေပးထားသူေတြကိုု ျပည္သူလူထုုက ေထာက္ခံ-မခံ သေဘာထားေကာက္ယူတဲ့ပဲြသာျဖစ္တယ္ လုုိ႔႔ဆုုိပါတယ္။ ဒီလုုိနဲ႔ ၁၉၈၈ ၾသဂုုတ္လမွာေတာ့ အားလုုံး သိတဲ့အတုုိင္း မဆလ ပါတီလည္း နိဂံုုးခ်ဳပ္သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။

၁၉၉၀၊ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမ်ားနွင့္ လက္ရွိနုုိင္ငံေရးအက်ပ္အတည္း

မဆလ ေခတ္အလြန္ ၁၉၉၀ ေမလ ၂၇ မွာက်င္းပခဲ့တဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေတြပဲြရဲ့ထူးျခားခ်က္ကေတာ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ရလာဒ္ကုုိ အစိုုးရက အသိအမွတ္မျပဳျခင္းပါပဲ။ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေကာ္မရွင္က ေဖၚျပထားတဲ့ ကိုုလုုိနီေခတ္၊ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရျပီးေခတ္နဲ႔ မဆလ ေခတ္ ေခတ္မွာက်င္းပခဲ့တဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ၁၃ ၾကိမ္ စလုုံးမွာ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြရလာဒ္ကိုု အစိုုးရက အသိအမွတ္မျပဳဘူး၊ အာဏာမလြဲေပးဘူးဆုုိတာမ်ဳိး မေတြ႔မိပါ။

ဒါျဖင့္ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြရလာဒ္က်မွ အစိုုးရဖက္က ဘာေၾကာင့္ အသိအမွတ္မျပဳ၊ အာဏာမလြဲေပးနုုိင္ ျဖစ္သြားရတာလဲ။  ဒီကိစၥကုုိ ေကာ္မရွင္ရဲ့စာမ်က္နွာထဲမွာ ရွင္းျပထားျခင္းမရွိပါဘူး။ ၁၉၉၀ ေမလ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမွာ နုုိင္ငံေရးပါတီ ၉၃ ခုုက ကိုုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြနဲ႔ တသီးပုုဂၢလကုုိယ္စားလွယ္ တခ်ဳိ႔ ၀င္ျပိဳင္ၾကျပီး နုုိင္ငံေရးပါတီ ၂၇ ခုုက ကုုိယ္စားလွယ္ ၄၇၉  ဦးနွင့္ တသီးပုုဂၢလ ဦးေရြးခ်ယ္ခံခဲ့ရတယ္ လိုု႔သာ ေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။

ေနာက္တပုုိဒ္မွာေတာ့ ‘’နုုိင္ငံေတာ္ျငိမ္၀ပ္ပိျပားမႈတည္ေဆာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔သည္ ပါတီစံုုဒီမုုိကေရစီ အေထြ ေထြေရြးေကာက္ပဲြက်င္းပျပီးေနာက္ စည္းကမ္းျပည့္၀ျပီး ေခတ္မီဖြံ႔ျဖိဳးတုုိးတက္ေသာ ဒီမုုိကေရစီနုုိင္ငံေတာ္ တည္ေဆာက္ နုုိင္ရန္အတြက္ ၁၉၉၃ ခုုနွစ္ ဇန္နာ၀ါရီလ   ရက္တြင္ ၁၉၉၀ ျပည္နွစ္ေရြးေကာက္ခံ အမတ္မ်ား၊ လူထုုလူတန္းစား အသီးသီးနွင့္ တုုိင္းရင္းသား အားလုုံး၏ ကုုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားပါ၀င္ေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံကိုု က်င္းပကာ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုုံ အေျခခံဥပေဒအတြက္ အေျခခံမူမ်ားေရးဆြဲေရးကိုု ေဆာက္ရြက္ခဲ့သည္’’ လုုိ႔ ေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။

အဓိပၺာယ္ကေတာ့ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြဟာ လြတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ေရြးခ်ယ္ပဲြမဟုုတ္၊ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုုံဆြဲဖိုု႔ ကုုိယ္စား လွယ္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ျခင္းသာျဖစ္တယ္ဆုုိတဲ့သေဘာပါပဲ။ အဲဒီလုုိ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြရလာဒ္ကုုိ အသိအမွတ္ မျပဳမႈကေန စခဲ့တဲ့ ဇတ္လမ္းဟာ အခုု ၂၆ နွစ္ၾကာတဲ့အထိ မျပီးေသးပါဘူူး။ ေတာခုုိတဲ့လူခုုိ၊ ေထာင္နန္းစံ တဲ့လူစံနဲ႔ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ နွစ္ ၂၀ ေက်ာ္လုုံးလုုံး တုုိင္းျပည္တခုုလုုံး ဒုုကၡေရာက္ခဲ့တာ အားလုုံးအသိပါ။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ၂၀၁၁ ခုုနွစ္ေနွာင္းပုုိင္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုုၾကည္ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ကျပန္လြတ္လာျပီး ေနာက္မွာေတာ့ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုုမႈေတြအရ ၂၀၀၈ ခုုနွစ္အေျခခံဖြဲ႔စည္းပုုံအတုုိင္းသြားေနတဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲနဲ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္လမ္းေၾကာင္းကိုုလက္ခံမယ္၊ အစုုိးရနဲ႔ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္ဆုုိတဲ့ လမ္းေၾကာင္းေပၚ ဒီမုုိကေရစီအင္အားစုု အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ေရာက္ရွိသြားပါတယ္။

ဒီလုုိနဲ႔ ၂၀၁၂ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမွာ NLD ပါတီက အျပတ္အသတ္အနုုိင္ရခဲ့တယ္ဆုုိပါေတာ့။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီ အျပတ္အသတ္ဆုုိတာဟာ ၁၉၉၀ တုုန္းကလုုိ မဲဆႏၵနယ္ ၄၈၅ ေနရာမွာ ၄၀၀ နီးပါးအထိ အနုုိင္ရတာမ်ဳိးမဟုုတ္။ ၾကံ့ခုုိင္ေရးပါတီအမတ္ေတြထဲက ၀န္ၾကီးျဖစ္သြားလုုိ႔ လစ္လပ္ေနရာ ၄၀ ေက်ာ္ကိုု ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ျပိဳင္ခြင့္ရျခင္းမွ် သာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဆုုိလုုိတာက အမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္ေတာ္၊ ျပည့္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေနရာ ၁၁၅၄ ဦးေနရာမွာ NLD ပါတီ က ၄၀ ဦးအနုုိင္ရျခင္း သိုု႔မဟုုတ္ အမတ္ဦးေရရဲ့ ရာခုုိင္နႈန္းခန္႔ကုုိသာ အနုုိင္ရခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုုိ ရာခုုိင္နႈန္းသာ အနုုိင္ရေပမယ့္လည္း အဲဒီပထမ ေျခလွမ္းအေပၚ ေျခကုုတ္ယူျပီး လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းကေန အေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး၊ တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမိုးေရး၊ ျပည္တြင္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနွင့္ အမ်ားျပည္သူ စား၀တ္ ေနေရး အဆင္ေျပလာေအာင္ လုုပ္ေပးမယ္လိုု႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုုၾကည္က ကတိေပးေျပာဆိုုခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ အခုု နွစ္ၾကာတဲ့အထိ ဘာမွလုုပ္မေပးနုုိင္တဲ့အတြက္ အမ်ားရဲ့ေ၀ဖန္မႈကိုု ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္း စုုၾကည္ ကိုုယ္တုုိင္ခံလာေနရပါတယ္။ ဒီလုုိအေျခေနမွာ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုုံအရက်င္းပမဲ့ ေနာက္ထပ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြတခုုကိုု ေဒၚ ေအာင္ဆန္းစုုၾကည္ရဲ့ NLD ပါတီက ထပ္၀င္သင့္ပါသလား။ ဒီတၾကိမ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမွာေကာ ၁၉၉၀ တုုန္းကလုုိပဲ NLD အျပတ္အသတ္အနုုိင္ရနုုိင္ပါေသးသလား။ တကယ္လိုု႔ အနုုိင္ရရင္ေကာ အစုုိးရက အာဏာလြဲေပးပါ့မလား။

၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြနွင့္ တုုိင္းျပည္ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ေရး

ဒီလုုိေမးခြန္းေတြမ်ားစြာရွိေနေပမယ့္လည္း NLD နဲ႔ ဒီမုုိကေရစီအင္အားစုုေတြမွာ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကုုိ၀င္ေရးမွ အပ တျခားေရြးစရာလမ္းက သိပ္မရွိပါ။ တုုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကုုိင္အဖြဲ႔ေတြက ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုုံထဲက ဒီမုုိကေရစီနဲ႔ ဖက္ဒရယ္အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔မကိုုက္ညီတဲ့အခ်က္ေတြကုုိ ျပင္ေပးမွ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လက္မွတ္ ထုုိးနုုိင္မယ္လိုု႔ တင္းခံေနေပမယ့္ နုုိင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြဖက္က အဲဒီလုုိ တင္းခံေနတာမ်ဳိး မေတြ႔မိပါ။

ဒီေတာ့ ၂၀၁၅ မွာ အမတ္ေနရာအမ်ားဆုုံးရေရးအတြက္သာ ပါတီအားလုုံးက စုုိင္းျပင္းၾကတဲ့ပုုံပါပဲ။ တရား၀င္ မဲဆြယ္ခြင့္မရခင္ေတာင္ ပါတီအသီးသီးက နည္းမ်ဳိးစုုံနဲ႔ မဲဆြယ္ေနၾကပါျပီ။ ထူးျခားတာကေတာ့ အဲဒီလုုိ မဲဆြယ္ေန တဲ့ ပါတီအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ ရွင္းလင္းတဲ့မူ၀ါဒ Manifesto မရွိၾကပါဘူး။ ဆုုိလုုိတာက သူတိုု႔ပါတီက လက္၀ဲယိမ္း လား၊ လက္ယာယိမ္းလား၊ ဗဟုုိလက္၀ဲယိမ္းလား၊ ဗဟုုိလက္ယာယိမ္းလား၊ စသျဖင့္ ဘာမွ ရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလင္းမရွိပါ။ သူတုုိ႔ပါတီ အာဏာရင္ ဘယ္လုုိလမ္းစဥ္နဲ႔ သြားမယ္ဆုုိတာ ဘာမွ အတိအက် ေဖၚျပထားျခင္း မရွိၾကပါဘူး။

ဒီလုုိရွင္းလင္းတဲ့မူ၀ါဒ မရွိတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ ဗုုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဓတ္ပုုံကိုု အိမ္မွာေတြ႔ရင္ ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ် မယ္ဆုုိျပီး အမိန္႔ေပးခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ စစ္ဗုုိလ္ေဟာင္းေတြရဲ့ ၾကံံ့ခုုိင္ေရးပါတီကလည္း အခုုေတာ့ ဗုုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဓာတ္ပုုံနဲ႔ မဲဆြယ္လုုိဆြယ္။ CRPP (၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြရလာဒ္အေပၚအျခခံဖြ႔ဲထားတဲ့ ျပည့္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုုယ္စား ျပဳေကာ္မီတီ) မူ ေပၚအေျခ ခံျပီး တုုိင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔ထားတဲ့ NLD ပါတီကလည္း သူတုုိ႔ပါတီ ဟာ ဗမာပါတီမဟုုတ္ဘူး၊ ျပည္ေထာင္ စုုပါတီျဖစ္တယ္လုုိ႔ေျပာျပီး တုုိင္းရင္းသားပါတီေတြကုုိ ျပိဳင္ဖက္လုုိ သေဘာမ်ဳိးေျပာလုုိေျပာ စသျဖင့္ ေတြ႔လာေနရပါတယ္။

ဒီအတြက္ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္က NLD နဲ႔ တုုိင္းရင္းသားပါတီေတြအၾကား၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ CRPP မူကိုုဆက္ကုုိင္ ထားတဲ့ ညီညြတ္ေသာတုုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားမဟာမိတ္အဖြဲ႔ UNA ၾကား မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔နုုိင္ေအာင္ ၾကား၀င္ ညွိနႈိင္းေပးေနတယ္ဆုုိ တဲ့ သတင္းေတြလည္း အခုု ၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ နွစ္ပတ္လည္ေန႔မွာ ထြက္လာခဲ့ ပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႔ေ၀ဖန္သူေတြက ဆုုိရင္ NLD ဟာ တုုိင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔မဟာမိတ္မဖြဲ႔ပဲ ၾကံံ့ခုုိင္ေရးပါတီနဲ႔မ်ား မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔သြားေလမလားဆုုိျပီး ဘယ္တုုန္းကမွ ထင္မထားတဲ့ ေမးခြန္းမ်ဳိးေတာင္ ေမးလာေနၾကပါတယ္။

ထားေတာ့။ ‘’နုုိင္ငံေရးမွာ ထာ၀ရ ရန္သူ၊ ထား၀ရ မိတ္ေဆြဆုုိတာမရွိ။ ထာ၀ရ အက်ဳိးစီးပြါးသာရွိတယ္’’  လုုိ႔ အဆုုိ ရွိတယ္ မဟုုတ္ပါလား။ အေရးၾကီးတာက အဲဒီပါတီေတြအနုုိင္ရရင္ မဲဆႏၵရွင္ေတြကိုု ဘာလုုပ္ေပးမွာ လဲ ဆုုိတာပါပဲ။ လမ္းတျခမ္းခင္းမယ္၊ တံတားအသစ္ေဆာက္ေပးမယ္ဆုုိျပီး ၂၀၁၀ တုုန္းကလုုိ ေခတ္ေဟာင္းတီးလုုံးနဲ႔ ဆက္ကေနလုုိ႔ မရေတာ့ပါ။

ျပည္တြင္း ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရေအာင္ ခ်က္ခ်င္းလုုပ္ဖုုိ႔လုုိေနပါတယ္။ ဘာသာေရး၊ လူမ်ဳိးေရး မျငိမ္သက္မႈေတြကိုု တည္ ျငိမ္ေအာင္ ခ်က္ခ်င္းလုုပ္ေပးဖုုိ႔လုုိေနပါတယ္။ လယ္ယာေျမအသိမ္းခံရလုုိ႔ ကုုိယ့္ကုုိယ္ကုုိ မီးရႈိ႔ သတ္ေသေနတဲ့ လယ္သမားေတြဘ၀ တုုိးတက္လာေအာင္လုုပ္ေပးဖုုိ႔လုုိေနပါတယ္။ တေန႔လုုပ္ခ က်ပ္ ၃၀၀၀ မရလုုိ႔ ဆႏၵျပေနတဲ့ အလုုပ္သမားကိစၥ အေရးေပၚေျဖရွင္းေပးဖုုိ႔လုုိေနပါတယ္။ နုုိင္ငံတကာအဆင့္မီ ပညာေရးစနစ္မ်ဳိးရခ်င္လုုိ႔ ဆႏၵျပမႈ နဲ႔ဖမ္းဆီးခံေနရတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြျပန္လြတ္ေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးဖုုိ႔ လုုိေနပါတယ္။ အမ်ားျပည္သူ အေျခခံ လုုိအပ္ ခ်က္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ေရ၊ မီး ကအစ ပုုံမွန္ရေအာင္ အျမန္လုုပ္ေပးဖိုု႔ လုုိေနပါတယ္။ 

ဆုုိလုုိတာက ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြက်င္းပလုုိက္၊ ကိုုယ္ၾကိဳက္တဲ့ရလာဒ္မရရင္ ဟိုုအေၾကာင္းျပ ဒီအေၾကာင္းျပနဲ႔ အာဏာ မလႊဲပဲ ရူးခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ေနလုုိက္၊ အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံ လုုပ္လုုိက္၊ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေဆြးေႏြး ပဲြလုုပ္လုုိက္၊ ျပန္တုုိက္လုုိက္ စသျဖင့္လမ္းေဟာင္းၾကီးအတုုိင္း ဆက္သြားေနလုုိ႔မရေတာ့ပါ။ 

ကုုိယ့္ရဲ့အိမ္နီးခ်င္းနုုိင္ငံေတြက ကိုုယ္ထက္ အဆမ်ားစြာေရွ့ကုုိတုုိးတက္ေနပါျပီ။ ကိုုယ့္နုုိင္ငံသားေတြ နုုိင္ငံတကာ အဆင့္မမီနုုိင္ေသးရင္ေတာင္ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း နုုိင္ငံေတြနဲ႔တန္းတူ ေနနုုိင္၊ စားနုုိင္၊ ေျပာနုုိင္၊ သြားနုုိင္၊ တန္း၀င္နုုိင္ေအာင္ လုုပ္ေပးဖိုု႔ အားလုုံး၀ုုိင္း၀န္းလက္တဲြေဆာင္ရြက္ရမဲ့အခ်ိန္ ေရာက္ေနျပီျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း တုုိက္တြန္းတင္ျပလိုုက္ရ ပါ တယ္။    


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