Wednesday, May 28, 2014

ေတာ္လွန္ေရး သတင္းသမားတဦးရဲ့ ဒုိင္ယာရီ (အပုိင္း ၁၂)

ညေန ၆ နာရီေနာက္ပုိင္းေျပာတဲ့စကားကုိ မကုိးကားရ

နယ္စပ္နုိင္ငံေရးေလာကမွာ ေခတ္စားခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ ဒီေခါင္းစဥ္ဟာ အခုေတာ့ ရန္ကုန္နုိင္ငံေရးေလာကအထိ ေခတ္စားေနျပီလုိ႔ မိတ္ေဆြတခ်ဳိ႔က ေျပာပါတယ္။ ယမကာမႀကိဳက္တဲ့ နုိင္ငံေရးသမားနဲ႔ သတင္း သမားတခ်ဳိ႕ရွိေပမယ့္ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားကေတာ့ ႀကိဳက္ၾကတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္လည္း ည ေန ၆ နာရီေနာက္ပုိင္း ေျပာတဲ့စကား (ရံုးခ်ိန္အလြန္၊ တာ၀န္ခ်ိန္ျပင္ပမွာ စားရင္းေသာက္ရင္း အလြတ္ ေျပာတဲ့ စကား) ကုိ မကုိးကားရလုိ႔ ေခတ္စားလာတာျဖစ္မွာပါ။

(ေနာ္ေ၀းသတင္းဌာနတခုကို အင္တာဗ်ဳးေပးေနတဲ့ အယ္ဒီတာ ကုိေအးခ်မ္းနုိင္။ ဓာတ္ပုံ- NRK)

ထားေတာ့။ က်ေနာ္ေဆြးေႏြးခ်င္တာက ယမကာယဥ္ေက်းမႈအေၾကာင္းမဟုတ္ပါ။ ယမကာ၀ုိင္းမွာ ေျပာတဲ့စကားကို ကုိးကားၿပီးေဆာင္းပါးေရးမိတဲ့ ႏုစဥ္တုန္းက အျဖစ္အပ်က္တခုုအေၾကာင္းသာ ျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။ က်ေနာ္ ေအာ္စလုိကိုေရာက္တဲ့ ၁၉၉၉ အေစာပုိင္းဟာ ဥေရာပတုိက္ရဲ့ ေဘာ္လကန္ေဒသမွာ စစ္ျဖစ္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး အခု နယ္သာလန္နုိင္ငံက နုိင္ငံတကာစစ္ခုံရံုးမွာ စစ္ေဆးခံေနရတဲ့ Serb ေခါင္း ေဆာင္ေတြ ၾသဇာႀကီးဆဲေပါ့။

၁၉၉၉ ခုနွစ္ ဧၿပီလ တတိယပတ္ထဲမွာေတာ့ NATO (ေနတုိး) စစ္ေလယဥ္ေတြကေန Belgrade (ဘဲဂရိတ္) ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ Serbian ရုပ္-သံ ဌာနကုိ ဗုံးႀကဲတုိက္ခုိက္တဲ့အတြက္ မီဒီယာ၀န္ထမ္း ၁၀ ဦး ေသဆုံး ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီတုိက္ခုိက္မႈအေပၚ ကမၻာတလႊားရွိ မီဒီယာသမားေတြက ေ၀ဖန္ၾကျပီး ဘန္ေကာက္ရွိ မီဒီယာသမားတခ်ဳိ႕က အေမရိကန္သံရံုးဆီ သြားေရာက္ကန္႔ကြက္စာေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီသတင္းကုိ DVB ေရဒီယုိမွာ လြင့္ၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ညေနပုိင္းရံုးဆင္းခ်ိန္ ဘီယာဆုိင္မွာ ၀ုိင္းထုိင္ရင္းနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဆက္ေဆြးေႏြးၾကပါတယ္။

''Serb သတင္းဌာနက မီဒီယာသမားေတြလည္း န၀တ သတင္းဌာနက ၀န္ထမ္းေတြနဲ႔ ဘာကြာလုိ႔ လဲကြာ။ သတင္းသမားစစ္စစ္ေတြမွ မဟုတ္ဘဲ။ အစိုးရအတြက္ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ေပးေနသူေတြပဲ'' လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ တုိ႔ထဲက တဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဘီယာရွိန္ နည္းနည္းရေနေတာ့ စကားလုံးအတိအက်နဲ႔ ဘယ္သူေျပာ တယ္ဆုိတာကုိ က်ေနာ္အသအခ်ာ မမွတ္မိေတာ့ပါ။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ေနာက္တပတ္ေလာက္အၾကာ က်ေနာ္ေဆာင္းပါးေရးတဲ့ အခါမွာေတာ့ NATO က ဗုံးႀကဲတာ ကုိ DVB အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္ ကိုေအးခ်မ္းနုိင္က ေထာက္ခံပါတယ္။ Serb ရုပ္သံ၀န္ထမ္းေတြဟာ မီဒီယာ သမား စစ္စစ္ေတြမဟုတ္ပဲ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခ်ိေရးသမားေတြသာျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ ဒီလုိေထာက္ခံတာဆုိျပီး အထက္က ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တဲ့စကားကုိ ကိုေအးခ်မ္းနုိင္က ေျပာပါတယ္လုိ႔ ကုိးကားထည့္သြင္းလုိက္ပါတယ္။

၁၉၉၉ ခုနွစ္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၉ ရက္ေန႔ထုတ္ the Nation သတင္းစာမွာ Muzzled media pursue goal ဆုိတဲ့ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ အဲဒီေဆာင္းပါး ပါရွိလာပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ အယ္ဒီတာ ကုိေအးခ်မ္းနုိင္က ''ခင္ ဗ်ားကေတာ့ လုပ္ခ်လုိက္ျပန္ျပီ။ က်ေနာ္ကိုလည္း ဘာမွမေမးပဲနဲ႔ အဲဒီလုိ misquote လုပ္ခံရတာ အေတာ္ဆုိးတယ္'' ဆုိၿပီး ေကာ ေတာ့တာပါပဲ။ က်ေနာ္လည္း အေတာ္ေနာင္တ ရသြားပါတယ္။ သ တင္းအတြက္အကိုးအကား၊ ေဆာင္းပါးအတြက္ အကိုးကားကုိ တရား၀င္ယူဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ သူမ်ားမထိ ခုိက္ေအာင္ ေရးဖုိ႔လိုတယ္ဆုိတာကုိ ကို္ယ္ေတြ႔ သေဘာေပါက္သြားပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ သတင္းသမား တဦးအတြက္ အလြန္အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ သင္ခန္းစာတခုပါပဲ။

အင္တာဗ်ဳးေပးသူအား ေပးထားတဲ့ကတိကုိ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ မေဖာက္ပါနဲ႔

တက္ၾကြလြန္းျပီး သတင္းေထာက္ရူး ရူးေနတဲ့က်ေနာ္ရဲ့ သတင္းက်င့္၀တ္ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈက အဲဒီေလာက္ နဲ႔မၿပီးေသး။ အဲဒီေဆာင္းပါးထဲမွာ ေနာက္ထပ္ က်ေနာ္ကုိးကားထားသူတဦးက ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံကေန ထုိင္းနယ္စပ္ကုိ ထြက္ေျပးလာတဲ့ နာမည္ႀကီး စာေရးဆရာ ေမာင္သာရရဲ့ ေျပာစကားေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ Serb တီဗီြနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ့အသံကလူေတြက စစ္မွန္တဲ့ မီဒီယာသမားမဟုတ္ဘူးဆုိရင္ ဘယ္သူေတြက မီဒီ ယာသမားစစ္သလဲဆုိတဲ့ ေမးခြန္းကိုထုတ္ၿပီး ေမာင္သာရေျပာတာနဲ႔ ေဆာင္းပါးကုိ link ခ်ိတ္လုိက္ပါ တယ္။

(နာမည္ၾကီးစာေရးဆရာ ေမာင္သာရနဲ႔အတူ အိႏၵိယနုိင္ငံမွာက်င္းပတဲ့ မီဒီယာေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတခုဆီ ေရာက္ခဲ့စဥ္က)
သဘက္အနီေရာင္ပခုံးေပၚတင္ထားသူဟာ ဆရာေမာင္သာရျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

''စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ဂ်ာနယ္လစ္ဆုိတာကေတာ့ စာရြက္ေပၚက အခ်က္အလက္ေတြထက္ တကယ့္ကြင္းထဲက အခ်က္အလက္အစစ္မွန္ေတြကုိသာ အေျခခံၿပီးေရးတဲ့သူ။ အစိုးရအာဏာပုိင္ေတြကေပးတဲ့ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခ်ိ ေရး အခ်က္လက္ေတြကိုမေျပာပဲ အမ်ားျပည္သူသိခ်င္တဲ့ အမွန္တရားကုိ ရွာေဖြသာေရးသားသူ ျဖစ္ တယ္'' လုိ႔ realism စာေရးဆရာေမာင္သာရက ေျပာပါတယ္ဆုိၿပီး ခ်ထည့္လုိက္ပါတယ္။

ၿပီးေတာ့ ေမာင္သာရဟာ ရန္ကုန္ေနအိမ္ကေန မဲေဆာက္ကုိ ဘယ္လိုထြက္ေျပးလာရတယ္။ စစ္ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး MIS က စာေတြဆက္မေရးဖုိ႔ သူအိမ္ကုိလာျပီး ဘယ္လိုလာၿခိမ္္းေျခာက္တယ္ဆုိတာ ေတြကိုပါ ထည့္ေရးလုိက္ပါတယ္။

ဒီေလာက္ေရးတာနဲ႔ သတင္းက်င့္၀တ္ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္ရာ က်ေရာ့လားဆုိၿပီး ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ဖုိ႔ ဆႏၵမေစာပါနဲ႔။ ေနာက္ခံအခ်က္လက္က ဒီလုိရွိပါတယ္။ ဆရာေမာင္သာရ ထြက္ေျပးလာတာကုိ ဘယ္သူမွ မသိေသး ပါ။ DVB ကလည္း အသံမလႊင့္ရေသးပါ။ မဲေဆာက္မွာရွိတဲ့ အဆက္သြယ္ေတြဆီကတဆင့္ ဆရာ ေမာင္သာရနဲ႔ အဆက္သြယ္ရၿပီး ကိုမုိးေအးက ေမာင္သာရနဲ႔ အင္တာဗ်ဳး ထူးထူးရွယ္ ရထားပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိရထားေပမယ့္ ေမာင္သာရ မဲေဆာက္ကေန ဘန္ေကာက္ကိုေရာက္ၿပီး၊ ဘန္ေကာက္မွာ သတင္း စာရွင္းလင္းပဲြမလုပ္ခင္အထိ ဒီအင္တာဗ်ဳးကို မလႊင့္ေသးပဲဆုိင္းထားေပးဖုိ႔ DVB ကေန ေမာင္သာရကုိ ကတိေပးထားပါတယ္။

ကိုမုိးေအးက က်ေနာ္အရင္ ၃ လျပည့္သြားလုိ႔ ေအာ္စလုိကေန ဘန္ေကာက္ျပန္ခ်ိန္မွာ အဲဒီအသံဖြိဳင္ ကို က်ေနာ့္ဆီအပ္ထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ၈ ေလးလုံး ၁၀ နွစ္ျပည့္နွစ္ပတ္လည္ကလည္းနီးလာ၊ အထူူးသျဖင့္ လူေျပာမ်ားေနတဲ့ ၉၉၉၉ ေလးလုံး (၁၉၉၉ ခုနွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၉ ရက္ေန႔) ျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ကလဲ တလသာလုိေတာ့တဲ့အတြက္ ဒီအခ်ိန္ဟာ အခြင့္ခါေကာင္းပဲဆုိၿပီး ေရွ႕မွာတင္ျပခဲ့တဲ့ Serb တီဗီြ-ဗုံးႀကဲ မႈနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ့မီဒီယာေလာက ဖိနွိပ္ခံရမႈကုိ ေပါင္းစပ္ျပီး Muzzled media pursue goal ေဆာင္းပါးႀကီးကုိ ဘယ္သူန႔ဲမတုိင္ပင္ပဲ က်ေနာ္က ေရး ထည့္လိုက္တာပါ။

ဒီေတာ့ ေ၀ဖန္မႈက အယ္ဒီတာ ကိုေအးခ်မ္းနုိင္တင္မကပဲ ကုိမုိးေအးနဲ႔ ဆရာေမာင္သာရကပါ က်ေနာ့္ ကုိ ၀ုိင္းဆဲၾကပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ကေတာ့ ေဆာင္းပါးပါဖုိ႔ပဲ စိတ္ကေစာေနေတာ့ ဒီျဖစ္ရပ္ေတြကုိ သ တင္းက်င့္၀တ္ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္တယ္လို႔ သိပ္အေလးမထားျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အခု ၁၅ နွစ္ေလာက္ၾကာ ၿပီး ခိ်န္ အေသခ်ာျပန္စဥ္းစားၾကည့္ေတာ့ ဒါေတြဟာ သတင္းသမားတဦးအေနနဲ႔ တကယ့္ကုိမလုပ္သင့္တဲ့ ကိစၥ၊ သတင္းသမားက်င့္၀တ္ ခ်ဳိးေဖါက္မႈႀကီးျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာ ျငင္းမရေအာင္ေပၚလြင္ေနပါတယ္။

တခါ DVB ရဲ့ လခစား၀န္ထမ္းတဦးက DVB ကုိေပးထားတဲ့ အင္တာဗ်ဳး။ DVB က မလႊင့္ရေသးတဲ့ အင္ တာဗ်ဳးကုိ တျခားမီဒီယာမွာ သြားေရးခြင့္ရွိသလားဆုိၿပီးလည္း ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ခံရပါတယ္။ အခု ၁၅ နွစ္ၾကာၿပီးခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ တခါက တက္ၾကြတဲ့ၾကက္ဖျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ သတင္းေထာက္တဦးရဲ့ သတင္းက်င့္၀တ္ ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မိမႈအတြက္ သက္ဆုိင္သူအားလုံးကို ေတာင္းပန္ရံုမွတပါး က်ေနာ္ဘာမ်ား တတ္နုိင္ဦးမည္ နည္း။

အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာနဲ႔ ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာ ဘာကြာသလဲ

အခု ၂၀၁၄ ခုနွစ္ကာလမွာ အသံလႊင့္ဌာနအားလုံး ကိုယ္ပုိင္၀က္ဘ္ဆုိက္ေတြရွိၿပီး သတင္းကို အသံနဲ႔ လႊင့္တာအျပင္ စာနဲ႔ျပန္တင္ထားတာကို အခ်ိန္မေရြး ဖတ္ရႈေနနုိင္ၿပီျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ၁၉၉၉ အ ေစာပုိင္းကာလက အသံလႊင့္ဌာနေတြ (BBC, VOA, RFA, DVB) အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ ၀က္ဘ္ဆုိက္ မရွိေသးပါ။ ရွိရင္လည္း သတင္းအသံေလာက္ကိုပဲတင္ၿပီး အခုေခတ္လုိ စာနဲ႔ျပန္ေရးၿပီး အေသခ်ာတင္ တာ၊ ၀က္ဘ္ဆုိက္ ဌာနဖြင့္ၿပီး သီးျခားတာ၀န္ေပးထားတာမ်ဳိး မရွိေသးပါ။


ဥပမာအားျဖင့္ DVB သတင္းဌာနဆုိရင္ အခုသုံးေနတဲ့ www.dvb.no မရွိေသးပဲ အရင္ေပၚတဲ့ လိပ္စာ အေဟာင္းကို သုံးေနရဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၀က္ဘ္ဆုိက္ဌာန သီးျခားမရွိေသးပဲ ေရဒီယုိက လႊင့္ၿပီးသြားတဲ့ အသံေတြကို ျပန္တင္ထားတဲ့အဆင့္ပဲ ရွိပါေသးတယ္။ ဆုိလိုတာကေတာ့ ''ျမန္မာ့အသံက တခါပဲ လႊင့္တယ္'' ဆုိၿပီး ျမန္မာေတြၾကားေျပာေနၾကအတုိင္း ေရဒီယုိဟာ တခါနားေထာင္ၿပီးတာနဲ႔ ၿပီးသြားတဲ့ အတြက္ ေရဒီယုိေပၚက စာအေရးသား ဘယ္လုိရွိသလဲဆုိတာကုိ ဆန္းစစ္ေလ့လာဖို႔ အဲဒီေခတ္က မလြယ္ခဲ့ပါ။

ဒါေပမယ့္ အခုေခတ္မွာေတာ့ အသံေတြ၊ ရုပ္ေတြကုိ ေရဒီယုိနဲ႔ တီဗီြမွာ လႊင့္တဲ့အျပင္ Script (စာသား) ေတြကုိပါ အေသခ်ာအေခ်ာေရးၿပီး ၀ကဘ္္ဆုိက္မွာ ျပန္တင္ေနၾကၿပီျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အသံလႊင့္ မီဒီယာ Broadcast Media အေရးအသားနဲ႔ ပုံနွိပ္စာေပအေရးအသား Print Media (သတင္းစာ၊ ဂ်ာနယ္၊ မဂၢဇင္း) ဘယ္လိုကြာသလဲဆုိတာကို စိတ္၀င္စားသူတုိင္း အလြယ္တကူေလ့လာ နုိင္ေနၿပီျဖစ္ ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိ အင္တာနက္ေပၚမွာ အသံေတြ၊ အရုပ္ေတြ၊ စာေတြ ေရးသားတင္ျပတာကိုေတာ့ Online Media လုိ႔ေခၚၾကပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ကံဆုိးတယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာရမလားမသိပါ။ အခုေနာက္ပုိင္း နယ္သတင္းေထာက္တခ်ဳိ႔နဲ႔ အသံလႊင့္ သမားတခ်ဳိ႕ဟာ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာစကားလုံး အသုံးအႏႈန္းျဖစ္တဲ့ လုိ-တုိ-ရွင္း ေရးနည္းကိုအေလး မထားပဲ ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာစာသားဆန္လွတဲ့ ရွည္လ်ားေထြျပား Lead (သတင္းအစ စာတန္း) ေတြန႔ဲေရး သားေနၾကတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ႁခြင္းခ်က္အေနနဲ႔ကေတာ့ အခုေခတ္ေရဒီယုိက အင္တာနက္မွာ နား ေထာင္တာမ်ားတဲ့အတြက္ ၀ါက်ရွည္လုိ႔ နားမရွင္းရင္လည္း ေနာက္ျပန္ရစ္ၿပီး ထပ္ခါထပ္ခါ ျပန္နား ေထာင္နုိင္သားပဲလုိ႔ သေဘားထားႀကီးေပးရေတာ့ မယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။

ထားေတာ့။ အခုေခတ္ ၂၀၁၄ မတုိင္မီ ''ျမန္မာ့အသံက တခါပဲလႊင့္တယ္'' ဆုိတဲ့ ေခတ္မွာဆုိရင္ေတာ့ လက္ရွိ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာသမားတခ်ဳိ႕ ေရးေနတဲ့အေရးအသားမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ မရပါ။ လုိ-တုိ-ရွင္း နည္းကို အတိ အက် သုံးဖုိ႔လုိပါတယ္။

ထားေတာ့။ အခုေခတ္ ၂၀၁၄ မတုိင္မီွ ''ျမန္မာ့အသံက တခါပဲလႊင့္တယ္'' ဆုိတဲ့ ေခတ္မွာဆုိရင္ေတာ့ လက္ရွိ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာသမားတခ်ဳိ႔ ေရးေနတဲ့အေရးအသားမ်ဳိးနဲ႔မရပါ။ လုိ-တုိ-ရွင္း နည္းကို အတိ အက် သုံးဖုိ႔လုိပါတယ္။ Broadcasting Language ကုိ သေဘာေပါက္ဖုိ႔လိုပါတယ္။ ဆုိလိုတာကေတာ့ ေရဒီယုိသတင္းဟာ နားေထာင္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ ပရိတ္သတ္နားထဲကုိ တန္းျပီး၀င္သြားဖုိ႔လုိပါတယ္။ အသံ က မၾကည္လင္ (လုိင္းအား မေကာင္းတဲ့အတြက္) တဲ့ၾကားထဲ ၀ါက်ေတြကရွည္၊ ေလသံ အျဖတ္အ ေတာက္က မရွင္းမလင္း၊ စကားလုံးအသုံးအနံႈးက ေထြျပားေနရင္ အသံလႊင့္သတင္းသမားေကာင္း မျဖစ္နုိင္ပါ။

Broadcasting ဆရာသမားေတြရဲ့စကားေတြကိုကုိးကားရမယ္ဆုိရင္ သတင္းစာ၊ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြမွာပါရွိတဲ့ သတင္း၊ သတင္းေဆာင္းပါးေတြကို ပရိတ္သတ္ကဖတ္တဲ့အခါ တေယာက္ခ်င္းဖတ္တာျဖစ္ျပိး ေရဒီယုိ ကုိနားေထာင္တဲ့အခါမွာေတာ့ စုေပါင္းနားေထာင္ေလ့ရွိတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႔ဆုိရင္ သီးျခားနား ေထာင္ ေနတာမ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ပဲ ျဖတ္သြားျဖတ္လာရင္းနဲ႔လဲ ေရဒီယုိကသတင္းကုိ နားေထာင္သြားနုိင္ပါ တယ္။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာက Mass Media သေဘာကုိေ္ဆာင္ျပီး ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာက သီး ျခားတဦးခ်င္းသေဘာကို ပုိေဆာင္တယ္လို႔ယူဆမိ္ပါတယ္။

''ေသာတရွင္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား'' ဆုိတဲ့စကားလုံးကုိ ေရဒီယုိမွာသာၾကားနုိင္ျပီး ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာမွာမရွိပါ။ ''ဖန္သား ျပင္မွာေပၚရႈစားရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္'' ဆုိတဲ့စကားဟာ တီဗီြ အတြက္သာျဖစ္ျပီး တျခားမီဒီယာေတြမွာ မရွိ ပါ။ Broadcasting Media ခ်င္းတူတာေတာင္ တီဗီြ မွာက အရုပ္ပါတဲ့အတြက္ ၀ါက်ရွည္လုိ႔မရွင္းတာကို ပရိတ္သတ္က သိပ္သတိမထားမိပါ။ သတင္းဖတ္ေနသူထက္ ျပေနတဲ့ပုံကို ပရိတ္သတ္က ပုိစိတ္၀င္ စားေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေရဒီယုိမွာကေတာ့ အေထာက္ကူျပဳပစၥည္းဘာမွမရွိ။ သတင္းဖတ္သူ အ သံနဲ႔ Actual အသံလုိ႔ေခၚတဲ့ ၾကဳိတင္အသံသြင္းယူထားျပီး ျပန္ဖြင့္ျပတဲ့အသံပဲရွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအသံ နွစ္ခု မရွင္းဘူးဆုိရင္ လႊင့္သမွ် အလကားျဖစ္သြားနုိင္ပါတယ္။

အရင္ နယ္သတင္းေထာက္ဘ၀နဲ႔ သတင္းပုိ႔ေနစဥ္ကေတာ့ ကြန္ျပဴတာလဲ မရွိတဲ့အတြက္ ကုိယ္ပုိ႔တဲ့ အသံ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရွည္မွန္းလဲ မတြက္တတ္ပါ။ တခါ သတင္း Script ကုိလဲ ဗလာစာရြက္ေပၚ လက္ ေရးနဲ႔ေရးျပီး ဒီတုိင္းဖတ္လုိက္တာဆုိေတာ့ စာဘယ္နွစ္လုံးရွိမွန္းလဲ တခါမွ မေရတြက္မိပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေအာ္စလုိရုံဳးခ်ဳပ္မွာေတာ့ အားလုံးကြန္ျပဴတာစနစ္နဲ႔။ သတင္းတပုဒ္အတြက္ စာလုံးေရ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ရွိသလဲ။ အဲဒါကုိဖတ္ျပီး ကြန္ျပဴတာေပၚတင္လုိက္ရင္ ဘယ္နွစ္မီနစ္ရွိသလဲ တခါတည္း တန္းေပၚေနပါ တယ္။ အဲဒီလုိမေပၚလုိ႔မရ။ မေပၚရင္ အခ်ိန္တြက္ရခက္ျပီး သတင္းအျမီးျပတ္တာျဖစ္သြားနုိင္ပါတယ္။

အဲဒီကာလက အခုေခတ္လုိ ေဇာ္ဂ်ီေဖာင့္ (font) မေပၚေသးတဲ့အတြက္ Mr Burma တည္ထြင္ထားတဲ့ Winn-Burmese ေဖာင့္ကုိသုံးရပါတယ္။ Winn-Burmese ကုိ ၁၈ နဲ႔ရုိက္္ထားတဲ့ A4 တမ်က္နွာကုိ ပုံ မွန္ Standard အသံနဲ႔ဖတ္ရင္ ၂ မီနစ္ ၃၀ စကၠန္႔ရွိပါတယ္။ အခုေနာက္ပုိင္း ေဇာ္ဂ်ီေဖာင့္ေပၚတဲ့ အခါမွာေတာ့ ၁၁ နဲ႔ ရုိက္ရင္ Winn-Burmese ၁၈ နဲ႔ညီပါတယ္။ ၾကားမွာ Actual အသံ၀င္မယ္ဆုိရင္ အသံ ဘယ္နွစ္စကၠန႔္ ထပ္ေပါင္းေပါ့။ ဒီလုိနဲ႔ သတင္းနဲ႔ အသံလႊင့္ခ်ိန္ကုိ ကြက္တိျဖစ္ေအာင္ တြက္ ထားရပါတယ္။

ေရဒီယုိအသံလႊင့္ခ်ိန္မွာ အေလ်ာ့အတင္းလုံး၀မရွိပါ။ ည ၉ နာရီမွာအသံလႊင့္ခ်ိန္ဆုိရင္ ၉ နာရီ အတိ မွာ လုံး၀ကြက္တိ လႊင့္ရပါတယ္။ စကၠန္႔ပုိင္းကအစ အတိမ္းအေစာင္းမခံပါ။ ျပီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္ဆုိလဲ ဒီလုိပါပဲ။ လုံး၀ကြက္တိ။ အခ်ိန္ေက်ာ္သြားတဲ့အထိ သတင္းကမျပီးေသးလုိ႔ဆက္ဖတ္ေနလဲ လုိင္းကျပတ္သြား ျပီ ျဖစ္လုိ႔ ဖတ္ေနတဲ့လူနဲ႔ စက္ဆရာကလဲြျပီး ဘယ္သူမွ မၾကားနုိင္ေတာ့ပါ။ ဒါဟာလဲ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာနဲ႔ ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာေတြၾကား အခ်ိန္တြက္ခ်က္မႈနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ျပီး အေရးၾကီးတဲ့ ကြာျခားခ်က္တခုလုိ႔ထင္ပါ တယ္။        ။

Tuesday, May 27, 2014

At least 59 political prisoners detained across Burma.



Assistance Association for former Political Prisoners (Burma)
                 Former Political Prisoners Society             



                                The Ongoing Arrests of Political Activists in Burma
Date… 27, May 2014.

The end of 2013 saw numerous government statements that convinced much of the outside world that all political activists had been freed from Burma’s jails. These statements not only served to undermine the plight of those political activists still in jail at the beginning of 2014, but also shifted focus away from the ongoing restrictions and harassments of political activists. In 2014, there have been 85 people charged under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law, Section 505 (b) of the Penal Code, Section 447, and a number of other laws. AAPP currently recognizes at least 59 political prisoners detained across Burma.

Press freedoms in 2014 have been repeatedly threatened, with the arrest of numerous journalists and press staff members around the country, demonstrating the plight of those fighting for freedom of speech, assembly, and expression.

The arrest of Democratic Voice of Burma journalist Zaw Pe has seen unauthorized demonstrations in Magwe Township, with supporters angry at his year long sentence for attempting to interview a Magwe education official. Many view the charges against Zaw Pe—of trespassing and disturbing a civil servant—as restricting the freedom of the press and suppressing the people’s right to free speech

The ire and frustration of these protesters has been further provoked by the arrest of five Unity Weekly staff members, who are accused of breaching the Official Secrets Act and are still awaiting trial from prison. 

Journalists, staffers, and family members were all detained in connection with their charges of disclosing state secrets. This attitude of oppressing journalists and restricting press freedoms is evidently still prevalent in Burma, with the press hamstrung in their attempts to question the actions of government and state officials. While journalists are prevented from providing the people of Burma with information regarding the activities of their government, freedom of speech can never truly exist. 

President Thein Sein promised to release all political activists by the end of 2013, a commitment he made, not only to his own country, but to the international community. AAPP has recorded evidence that this promise was not fulfilled. The willingness of the international community to believe otherwise is as concerning as the ongoing arrests themselves. International pressure on the Burmese government to keep their promise and honor their commitment to the democratic process is essential to furthering civil liberties in Burma. 

The arrest and imprisonment of peaceful demonstrators under laws designed to restrict civil liberties is not unfamiliar in Burma, and continues unabated in 2014. The dangers to journalists, farmers, demonstrators, and political activists are as real as ever—a fact reflected in the number of arrests made since the start of the year. AAPP continues to call for the release of detained human-rights defenders who should be permitted to participate in the democratic transition in Burma, rather than face harassment, persecution, and imprisonment because of their unwavering commitment to a free Burma. 

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
Former Political Prisoners Society

For More Information Contact
Ko Bo Kyi     Joint Secretary (AAPP-B)        (+66) 81 9628 713
Ko Thet Oo   (FPPS)                                       (+95) 97310 7933

Monday, May 26, 2014

တနသာၤရီ ဂ်ာနယ္ အမွတ္စဥ္ ၄၉။

Saturday, May 24, 2014

ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီး ဗထူး ေအာက္ေမ့ဖြယ္ အခမ္းအနား ဇာတိရြာတြင္ က်င္းပမည္

Dawei Watch၊ ထားဝယ္၊ ေမ ၂၄

ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးဗထူး က်ဆုံးျခင္း ၆၉ ႏွစ္ျပည့္ ေအာက္ေမ့ဖြယ္
အခမ္းအနားပြဲကို ၎၏ ဇာတိ ထား၀ယ္ေဒသ၊ ေလာင္းလုံးၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊
ေလးသြန္းခံေက်း႐ြာ၌ ထားဝယ္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားပါတီမွ ဦးေဆာင္၍ လာမည့္ ဇြန္လ
၂ရက္ေန႔တြင္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း စီစဥ္သူမ်ားထံမွ သိရသည္။

(ထား၀ယ္ျမိဳ့ကေန ေလာင္းလုံးျမိဳ့နယ္ဆီအ၀င္၀ ကေမ်ာကင္းတံတားထိပ္မွာေတြ႔ရတဲ့ ဗုိလ္ဗထူးေက်ာက္ရုပ္- ဓာတ္ပုံ- ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္)

ယင္းအခမ္းအနားအတြက္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးဗထူး၏ ေမြးရပ္ေျမျဖစ္ေသာ
ေလးသြန္းခံေက်း႐ြာ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေက်ာင္းတြင္ အနီးဝန္းက်င္ရွိ
ေက်း႐ြာသားမ်ားကို ဖိတ္ၾကားကာ အခမ္းအနား အစီအစဥ္ကို မၾကာမီ
ရက္ပုိင္းအတြင္း အေသးစိတ္ေဆြးေႏြးမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အထက္ပါ ပါတီထံမွ
သိရသည္။

“အခု ထားဝယ္နယ္မွာ မသိတဲ့သူက မ်ားသြားၿပီ၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူ႕(ဗိုလ္ဗထူး)ကို
ျပန္လည္ အမွတ္ရေစခ်င္တယ္”ဟု ထားဝယ္ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားပါတီမွ
အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴး ေဒၚႏြယ္နီသိန္းက ေျပာသည္။

ဇြန္လ ၂ ရက္ေန႔ နံနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးဗထူးအား ရည္စူး၍ သံဃာေတာ္
၁၀ ပါးအား ဆြမ္းေကၽြးပြဲျပဳလုပ္ၿပီး ေအာက္ေမ့ဖြယ္ အခမ္းအနားကိုပါ
ျပဳလုပ္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။


(ထား၀ယ္ျမစ္ဖက္ကေန ျမင္ရတဲ့ ေလးသြန္းခံေက်းရြာ။ ဓာတ္ပုံ- ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္)

ယင္း ေအာက္ေမ့ဖြယ္အခမ္းအနားကို ပထမဦးဆုံးအႀကိမ္ ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး
ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးဗထူးအား ထားဝယ္ေဒသရွိ လူငယ္မ်ားက ျပန္လည္အမွတ္ရ၍
အားက်လာေစရန္ႏွင့္ ေဒသအတြင္းရွိ တိုင္းရင္းသားႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစု
လူငယ္မ်ား အခ်င္းခ်င္း ခ်စ္ၾကည္ရင္းႏွီးလာေစရန္ ရည္႐ြယ္၍ အခမ္းအနားကို
ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ထားဝယ္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားပါတီက ရွင္းျပသည္။

ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးဗထူးကို ၁၉၁၆ ခုနစ္ (ျမန္မာ သကၠရာဇ္ ၁၂၇၈ ခုနစ္) တြင္
ေလးသြန္းခံေက်း႐ြာတြင္ အဘဦးဘကြန္း အမိေဒၚစိန္ျမတို႔မွ ေမြးဖြားခဲ့ၿပီး
၁၉၄၅ ခုနစ္ ဇြန္လ ၂ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ဖက္ဆစ္ဂ်ပန္မ်ားကို ေတာ္လွန္ရင္း
ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေတာင္ပိုင္း ေအာင္ပန္းၿမိဳ႕အနီး တယ္လူစခန္း (ယခု
ဗထူးတပ္ၿမိဳ႕ေနရာ) တြင္ ငွက္ဖ်ားေရာဂါေၾကာင့္ ကြယ္လြန္ခဲ့သည္။

Tuesday, May 20, 2014

ေတာ္လွန္ေရး သတင္းသမားတဦးရဲ့ ဒုိင္ယာရီ (အပုိင္း ၁၁)

DVB ေအာ္စလုိရံုးခ်ဳပ္မွ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား

၁၉၉၉ ခုနွစ္ ေမလ၊ က်ေနာ္ ေအာ္စလုိရံုးခ်ဳပ္ကိုေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ၀န္ထမ္းအင္အား ၇ ဦးသာရွိေပမယ့္ တကယ္ေတာ့ ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္နဲ႔ အိႏၵိယ-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွာ တာ၀န္ယူလုပ္ေပးေနတဲ့အင္အားက မနည္းလွပါ။ အိႏၵိ ယဘက္ရွိ နယူးေဒလီဗ်ဳရုိဘက္ကေန ဇာတ္လမ္းေတြ အဓိကထုတ္ေပးေနၿပီး ကုိေဇာ္၀င္းေအာင္နဲ႔ ဦး ညြန္႔လွတုိ႔ရဲ့ ဘုရင္ႀကီးဇာတ္လမ္းဟာ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က အေတာ္လူသိမ်ားပါတယ္။ တခါ ထုိင္းဘက္ရွိ ဘန္ေကာက္ဗ်ဳရုိနဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ရွိ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအဖြဲ႔အသီးသီးကလည္း ဇာတ္လမ္းေတြ၊ ေဆာင္းပါးေတြ၊ သတင္းေတြ မ်ဳိးစုံပုိ႔ေပးေနၾကပါတယ္။

(DVB ၀န္ထမ္းေဟာင္းတဦးျဖစ္သူ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေတးသံရွင္ ကိုမြန္းေအာင္မွ နုိဗယ္လ္ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆုရွင္ တိဘက္ဘုန္းေတာ္ၾကီး ဒလုိင္းလာမားကို ၁၉၉၆ ခုနွစ္က အင္တာဗ်ဳးလုပ္ေနစဥ္)

DVB ေရဒီယုိ ေပၚေပါက္လာပုံကို ျပန္ေျပာရမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ အခန္း ၂ မွာ တင္ျပခဲ့ၿပီးျဖစ္တဲ့အတုိင္း ၁၉၉၁ မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ နုိဘယ္လ္္ဆုရၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ၁၉၉၂ ဇူလုိင္လ ၁၉ ရက္မွာ ဒီေရဒီယုိ ကုိ စတင္အသံလႊင့္ခဲ့တာပါ။ အဲဒီကာလဟာ ေတာခုိေက်ာင္းသားေတြ ေခတ္ေကာင္းဆုံးအခ်ိန္မုိ႔ ဒီ ေရဒီယုိ ကုိလည္း ေက်ာင္းသားေရဒီယုိလုိ႔ အလြယ္ေခၚၾကပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ တကယ္တမ္း တာ၀န္ခံေဆာင္ရြက္တဲ့အဖြဲ႔ကေတာ့ ABSDF မဟုတ္ပဲ အမ်ဳိးသားညြန္႔ ေပါင္းအစိုးရ NCGUB ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ DVB ရဲ့ တရား၀င္အမည္က ''အမ်ဳိးသားညြန္႔ေပါင္းအစိုးရ အသံလြင့္ဌာန၊ ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ျမန္မာ့အသံ'' ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

၁၉၉၂ ခုနွစ္ DVB စတင္အသံလႊင့္စဥ္ ပထမဆုံး တာ၀န္ေပးခံရတဲ့ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကေတာ့ မာနယ္ ပုေလာကေနေရာက္လာတဲ့ ABSDF ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ကုိခင္ေမာင္၀င္း၊ ဆြီဒင္နုိင္ငံကတဆင့္ေရာက္ လာတဲ့ ကိုေအးခ်မ္းနုိင္နဲ႔ မသီတာ၊ ေအာ္စလုိမွာေရာက္ေနတဲ့ ကိုေမာင္ေမာင္ျမင့္ (ေနာက္ပုိင္း DVB ကေနနႈတ္ထြက္ျပီး ျမန္မာသတင္းသမဂၢ ဥကၠဌျဖစ္လာသူ) တုိ႔ ၄ ဦး ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ၁၉၉၃ အေစာပိုင္းမွာေတာ့ ABSDF တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ နာမည္ႀကီးေတးသံရွင္ ကိုမြန္းေအာင္ (ေနာက္ပုိင္း နႈတ္ထြက္) ဟာ မာနယ္ပုေလာ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ကေန ေအာ္စလိုရံုးခ်ဳပ္ဆီ ေရာက္လာပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာေတာ့ ABSDF မွ ကိုသိန္းထုိက္ဦး (ေနာက္ပုိင္း RFA နဲ႔ VOA ဆီေျပာင္းသြား) နဲ႔ ကဗ်ာဆရာကုိျငိမ္းေ၀ (အခုမဇ်ိမ သတင္းဌာနမွာတာ၀န္ထမ္းေန) တုိ႔လည္း မာနယ္ပုေလာကေန ေအာ္စလိုဆီ ေရာက္လာၾကပါ တယ္။

ေနာက္တခါ တျခားအစီစဥ္တခုနဲ႔ ေနာ္ေ၀းမွာ သင္တန္းလာတက္ေနတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္ေတြထဲက ကိုထြန္းထြန္း၊ ကိုေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္နဲ႔ ေစာနယ္ဆင္ကူးတုိ႔ဟာလည္း DVB ရဲ့ ကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္အရ သင္ တန္းၿပီးတာနဲ႔ DVB မွာ တာ၀န္၀င္ထမ္းခဲ့ၾကတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ (နယ္ဆင္ကူးမွအပ ကုိထြန္းထြန္းနဲ႔ ကုိေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္တုိ႔ဟာ ကုိေမာင္ေမာင္ျမင့္၊ ကုိမြန္းေအာင္၊ ကုိျငိမ္းေ၀တုိ႔နဲ့အတူ ၁၉၉၆ မွာနႈတ္ထြက္သြား)။

အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ထိ ေရဒီယုိအေတြ႔အၾကံဳမရွိတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္ေတြခ်ည္း တာ၀န္ယူေဆာင္ရြက္ေနၿပီး ၁၉၉၆ ေရာက္မွ ၀ါရင့္သတင္းသမားျဖစ္သူ ေဒါက္တာေအာင္ခင္ကုိ အယ္ဒီတာအျဖစ္ တာ၀န္ေပး ခန္႔အပ္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴးက ေဒၚခင္ျပံဳးျဖစ္ျပီး မန္ေနဂ်ာကေတာ့ ေဒၚဥဥခင္ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ မွတ္တန္းေတြမွာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္ေရာက္လာတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴးက ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေ၀ျဖစ္ၿပီး အရင္ညႊန္မွဴးေတြ၊ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္ေတြ၊ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ မရွိေတာ့ပါ။ အခန္း ၁၀ မွာ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တဲ့အတုိင္း ၀န္ထမ္းေဟာင္း ၃ ဦးနဲ႔ ၀န္ထမ္းသစ္ ၃ ဦးကိုသာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ေရာက္ေနစဥ္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔လုိပဲ Interim အျဖစ္ အိႏၵိယဘက္ကေန ေရာက္လာသူတဦးကေတာ့ မခင္နွင္းထက္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

နယ္သတင္းေထာက္နဲ႔ စတူဒီယုိမွာ သတင္းဖတ္သူ ဘာကြာသလဲ

အမွန္အတုိင္း၀န္ခံရရင္ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ထိ ရံုးခ်ဳပ္ကလူေတြကို အထင္မႀကီးပါ။ သတင္းေထာက္မလုပ္ဖူးဘဲ အယ္ဒီတာျဖစ္ေနသူေတြ၊ သူမ်ားေတြက ေရွ႕တန္းစစ္မ်က္နွာအပါ၀င္ အသက္အႏၱရာယ္ရွိတဲ့ေနရာ ေတြကေန သတင္းပုိ႔ေနခ်ိန္မွာ ဒီလူေတြက စတူဒီယုိခန္းထဲမွာထုိင္ၿပီး သူမ်ားပုိ႔သမွ် ထုိင္ဖတ္ေန သူ ေတြအျဖစ္ တဖက္သတ္အျမင္ က်ေနာ္မွာရွိေနပါတယ္။

(DVB ေရဒီယုိ စတူဒီယုိအတြင္း ၀န္ထမ္းတဦး သတင္းဖတ္ေနစဥ္)

ဒါေပမယ့္ တကယ္တမ္း ရံုးခ်ဳပ္ဆီေရာက္လာၿပီး သတင္းေတြကို ဘာသာျပန္ရ၊ သတင္းလုိက္ရ၊ သ တင္းေရးရ၊ သတင္းေထာက္ေတြရဲ့ အသံေတြကိုျပန္ျဖတ္၊ ျပန္ျပင္ရတဲ့အလုပ္ကလည္း သိပ္မလြယ္ပါ။ ျပီးေတာ့ Live အသံလႊင့္ရတဲ့ကိစၥက အဆုိးဆုံး။ နယ္စပ္နဲ႔ ဘန္ေကာက္မွာေနတုန္းက တေန႔တပုဒ္နႈန္း ပုိ႔ၿပီးရင္ ကိစၥၿပီးၿပီ။ တကယ္လို႔ မအားရင္လည္း ဆင္ေျခတခုခုေပးၿပီး မပုိ႔ပဲေနလုိက္ရံုပါပဲ။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ရံုးခ်ဳပ္မွာေတာ့ အဲဒီလုိေနလုိ႔မရ။ ည ၇ နာရီခဲြ အသံလႊင့္ခ်ိန္ေရာက္ရင္ ၄၅ မိနစ္စာအသံ အျပည့္ရွိေနဖုိ႔လုိပါတယ္။ (အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ညပုိင္းမွာ ၂ ၾကိမ္ခဲြလႊင့္ျပီး ပထမ အခ်ိန္က ၇-နာရီကေန ၇- ၄၅ အထိလုိ႔ထင္ပါတယ္္။ ဒုတိယ တၾကိမ္ ကေတာ့ ည ၉ နာရီျဖစ္ပါတယ္)။ အဲဒီ ၄၅ မိနစ္စာ သတင္း နဲ႔ ေဆာင္းပါးေတြရဖုိ႔အတြက္ ရံုးခ်ဳပ္အယ္ဒီတာက တေနကုန္ျပင္ဆင္ေနရပါတယ္။ ဒီေန႔ သတင္းမရွိ ဘူး၊ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ မအားဘူးဆုိၿပီး အသံမလႊင့္ဘဲ ေနလုိ႔မရ။

ေနာက္ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာရဲ့ ပုိထူးျခားခ်က္က ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာ သတင္းစာတုိက္၊ ဂ်ာနယ္တုိက္ေတြလုိ တန ဂၤေႏြပိတ္တယ္၊ သႀကၤန္ရက္ပိတ္တယ္ဆုိၿပီး အသံမလႊင့္ပဲ ေနလုိ႔မရတဲ့အခ်က္ပါ။ အားကစား စကားနဲ႔ ေျပာရရင္ေတာ့ နယ္သတင္းေထာက္က တကိုယ္ေတာ္ မာရသြန္ေျပးေနရတဲ့သေဘာဆန္ျပီး ရံုးခ်ဳပ္က ေတာ့ ေဘာ္လုံးအသင္းတသင္းနဲ႔ပုိတူတယ္လို႔ထင္ပါတယ္။ ကစားသမားတဦးဦးနာေနရင္၊ တေယာက္ ေယာက္အားနည္းေနရင္၊ အရင္ေန႔ေတြက အေသာက္အစားမွားျပီး တဦးဦးအသံပ်က္ေနရင္၊ တဦးဦး ရံုးမလာနုိင္ရင္ အေတာ္ကသိကေအာင္ျဖစ္ေလာက္ေအာင္ တဦးနဲ႔တဦးအျပန္အလွန္ေလးစား ရုိင္းပင္း ကူညီတဲ့ Team Work အရမ္းလုိတယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ ျမင္မိပါတယ္။

ဒီေတာ့ ေအာ္စလုိရံုးမွာ ဘန္ေကာက္မွာေနတုန္းကလုိ သတင္းတပုဒ္ေလာက္ တာ၀န္ေက်ပုိ႔ၿပီး သြား ခ်င္ရာ ထြက္သြားလုိ႔မရ။ ရံုးခ်ိန္အျပည့္ တေန႔ ၈ နာရီေက်ာ္ ရံုးတက္ရပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာအေၾကာင္းပါတဲ့ အဂၤလိပ္သတင္းေတြကို ဘာသာျပန္ရပါတယ္။ ကုိယ္ေရးတဲ့သတင္းကို ဘယ္သူမဆုိ စတူဒီယုိထဲမွာ အဆင္သင့္ဖတ္နုိင္ဖို႔အတြက္ ေဘာပင္လ္နဲ႔မေရးပဲ ကြန္ပ်ဴတာနဲ႔ရုိက္ရပါတယ္။ အဲဒါမွ ျပႆနာ။ နယ္ စပ္နဲ႔ ထုိင္းကေနပုိ႔သမွ် သတင္းအားလုံးဟာ လက္ေရးနဲ႔စာရြက္ေပၚခ်ေရးၿပီး အဆင္ေျပသလုိဖတ္-ပုိ႔လုိက္တာဆုိေတာ့ ေအာ္စလုိရံုးေရာက္တဲ့အထိ က်ေနာ္ကြန္ပ်ဴတာ မရုိက္တတ္ေသးပါ။

မတတ္လို႔မရ။ အားလုံးတေျပးညီျဖစ္ေအာင္ ကြန္ပ်ဴတာနဲ႔ရုိက္ရမယ္ဆုိေတာ့ စာရုိက္တာကို မျဖစ္မေန စသင္ရပါတယ္။ အရင္က လက္ညိႇဳတေခ်ာင္းစီနဲ႔ ျဖစ္သလုိ ရုိက္ခဲ့ဖူးတာေတြကို ေမ့ထားလုိက္ၿပီး လက္ကြက္အမွန္နဲ႔ စနစ္တက် ရုိက္က်င့္ရပါတယ္။ တခါမွမရုိက္ဖူးေတာ့ တနာရီေလာက္ၾကာတဲ့အထိ စာတမ်က္ႏွာမၿပီးပါ။ အဲဒီအတြက္ အခ်ိန္အေတာ္ေပးခဲ့ရပါတယ္။

ေနာက္ထပ္အခ်ိန္ေပးခဲ့ရတဲ့ အလုပ္တခုကေတာ့ အသံေတြကို ကြန္ပ်ဴတာေပၚမွာ ျဖတ္ေတာက္ျခင္း၊ အက္ဒစ္လုပ္ျခင္းပါ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ထိ DVB မွာ ကုိယ္ပုိင္ အသံ Soft wear မရွိေသးပါ။ အခမဲ့ရတဲ့ Cool Edit ပရုိဂရမ္ကို သံုးေနဆဲလုိ႔ထင္ပါတယ္။ (ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာေတာ့ ေစ်းသိပ္ႀကီးၿပီး အသံုး၀င္လွတဲ့ Dalet Sound Card စနစ္ကုိသုံးပါတယ္)။ နယ္ကလာတဲ့သတင္းေထာက္ က်ေနာ္က ကြန္ပ်ဴတာလဲမရွိ၊ အသံ ကိုလည္း ကြန္ပ်ဴတာထဲ တခါမွ အက္ဒစ္မလုပ္ဖူးေတာ့ အသံျဖတ္တဲ့ကိစၥကလည္း အခ်ိန္အေတာ္စား ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

အဲဒီ အခ်ိန္စားတဲ့ကိစၥနွစ္ခုထက္ ပိုစိတ္လႈပ္ရွားဖုိ႔ေကာင္းတာက Live လႊင့္တဲ့အခ်ိန္။ နယ္ကေန သ တင္းပို႔စဥ္က မွားရင္ ''ျပန္ဖတ္မယ္'' လုိ႔ ေျပာၿပီး မွားတဲ့ေနရာကို အယ္ဒီတာကျပန္ျဖတ္ ျပန္ဆက္ လုိက္ရံု။ အခု က Live ဆုိေတာ့ မွားလုိ႔ မရ၊ ျပန္အက္ဒစ္လုပ္ဖုိ႔မရ၊ မွားရင္မွားတဲ့အတုိင္း ေလလႈိင္းေပၚ တက္သြားမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

မွတ္မွတ္ရရ ပထမ ဆုံး LIVE ၀င္ဖတ္တဲ့ေန႔မွာ လူေျပာစရာျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အမွားတခု က်ေနာ္လုပ္ခဲ့မိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေန႔က သတင္းဖတ္သူေတြထဲမွာ ကိုေလာ္မာက ပရီစန္တာ၊ ကုိေက်ာ္မုိး၊ ကုိခင္ေမာင္ေလးနဲ႔ က် ေနာ္တုိ႔ ၄ ဦး စားပဲြပတ္လည္မွာထုိင္ၿပီး တေယာက္တပုဒ္ဖတ္ၾကတာပါ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ACTUAL အသံလုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့ အင္တာဗ်ဳးလုပ္ၿပီး သြင္းထားအသံေတြ၊ နယ္သတင္းေထာက္က ပုိ႔တဲ့အသံေတြ သိပ္မရွိ ေသးတဲ့အတြက္ စာထုိင္ဖတ္တဲ့အသံကိုသာ အဓိက အားထားေနရဆဲပါ။

ကိုေက်ာ္မုိး သတင္းဖတ္တဲ့အလွည့္မွာပါလာတဲ့ သတင္းတပုဒ္က ABSDF က ပုိ႔ထားတဲ့ ရတနာ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ပုိက္လုိင္းေဒသမွာ န၀တ တပ္ရဲ့ လူ႔အခြင့္ေရးခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈအေၾကာင္း။ နတ္အိမ္ ေတာင္အေျခစုိက္ ခလရ ၂၇၃ က ေဒသခံေတြအေပၚ ဘယ္လုိအနုိင္က်င့္ေနတယ္ဆုိၿပီး ဖတ္လုိက္ ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ မၾကာေသးခင္ကမွ နတ္အိမ္ေတာင္ကေနျပန္လာတဲ့က်ေနာ္က ''အဲဒီမွာ ၂၇၃ မ ဟုတ္ဘူး။ ၂၀၈ တပ္ရင္းရွိေနတယ္''။ ခင္ဗ်ားေျပာတာ မွားေနတယ္ဆုိၿပီး LIVE လႊင့္ေနစဥ္ ၀င္ေျပာ မိတဲ့အခ်က္။ ကုိေက်ာ္မုိးက က်ေနာ္မ်က္နွာကုိ တခ်က္ ၾကည့္ၿပီး ဘာမွျပင္ဆင္မႈမလုပ္ဘဲ သူေရးထား တဲ့အတုိင္းပဲ ဆက္ဖတ္သြားပါတယ္။

Live အသံလႊင့္မႈလည္းၿပီးေရာ။ က်ေနာ့္လုပ္ပုံကုိ အားလုံးက ေထာက္ျပၿပီး ''ဒီလူကုိ Live ဖတ္ခုိင္း ရင္ေတာ့ သတိထားေဟ့'' လို႔ ၀ုိင္းေနာက္ၾကပါတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိမွားၿပီးေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာေတာ့ ျပင္စရာရွိတာ ကို အျပင္မွာကတည္းက ျပင္ႏုိင္ရင္ျပင္၊ ေလလႈိင္းေပၚေရာက္ခါနီး မုိက္ကလုိဖုန္းေရွ႕ေရာက္မွေတာ့ ဘာမွ ျပင္လုိ႔မရ။ ေရးထားတဲ့အတုိင္းသာ ဖတ္ေပေတာ့ ဆိုတာကို က်ေနာ္သေဘာေပါက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ေနမ၀င္ ညမ်ားကုိ ျဖတ္သန္းျခင္း

ေအာ္စလုိကို က်ေနာ္စေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္က ေမလ ဒုတိယ ပတ္ဆုိေတာ့ ရာသီဥတုက အေတာ္သာယာ ေနပါၿပီ။ အပူခ်ိန္က ၁၂- ၁၃ စင္တီဂရိတ္ေလာက္ရွိၿပီး သစ္ပင္ေတြ ရြက္နုေ၀စေပါ့။ ည ၁၀ နာရီ ေလာက္မွေန၀င္ျပီး တညလုံးနီးပါးလင္းေနတဲ့အတြက္ ပထမ ညမွာ က်ေနာ္အိပ္လုိ႔မေပ်ာ္ခဲ့ပါ။ ပုိဆုိး တာက အဲကြန္းအခန္းထဲမွာသာ ေနဖူးၿပီး အပူေပးစက္တပ္ထားတဲ့အခန္းထဲမွာ မေနဖူးတဲ့ျပႆနာ။ စ ေရာက္တဲ့ေန႔က ပါလာတဲ့ပုလင္းကို ကိုေအးခ်မ္းနုိင္တုိ႔အခန္းမွာ အားလုံးစုေသာက္ၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ကုိ ဘုိဒီေဇာ္မင္း (ဘရာဆဲအေျခစိုက္ EU-Burma ရံုးကေန DVB ေငြစာရင္းကိစၥ လာေရာက္ကူညီေပးေန သူ) နဲ႔အတူ သူတည္းတဲ့အိမ္ဆီ က်ေနာ္ကို ေခၚလာပါတယ္။

(ေမလ ၁၇ ေရာက္တုိင္း နွစ္စဥ္က်င္းပေနၾက ေနာ္ေ၀းနုိင္ငံအမ်ဳိဳးသားေန႔ ျမင္ကြင္းတခု    - ဓာတ္ပုံ ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္)

ေအာ္စလုိၿမိဳ့ထဲကေန ၁၅ မီနစ္ေလာက္ ေျမေအာက္ရထားစီးရၿပီး ရထားမွတ္တုိင္အဆုံးမွာေတာ့ Sognsvann ဆုိတဲ့ ေရကန္ႀကီးတခုရွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီဂိတ္ဆုံးမေရာက္ခင္ ၂ မွတ္တုိင္အလိုက ဘူတာမွာ ဆင္းၿပီး လုံးခ်င္းအိမ္ရာတခုရဲ့ အေပၚထပ္က အခန္း ၂ ခန္းကို DVB က ငွားထားတယ္လို႔သိရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခန္းဆီေရာက္ေတာ့ ည ၁၁ နာရီေလာက္ရွိေနျပီ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ထိ အလင္းေရာင္ကရွိေနဆဲ။ ဒါနဲ႔ အနက္ေရာင္လုိက္ကာကိုခ်ၿပီး ႀကိဳးစားအိပ္လိုက္ပါတယ္။ အိပ္လုိ႔ေပ်ာ္ခါနီးမွာ အရမ္းအုိက္လာလုိ႔ အပူ ေပးစက္ကုိ ပိတ္ဖုိ႔ျပင္ေတာ့ ဘယ္လုိပိတ္ရမွန္းမသိ။ လ်ွပ္စစ္နဲ႔လာတဲ့စက္မဟုတ္ပဲ ေရေႏြးေငြ႔နဲ႔စက္ ဆုိေတာ့ အပူခ်ိန္ေလွ်ာ့တဲ့ခလုတ္ကို က်ေနာ္ရွာမေတြ႔။ ေနာက္ဆုံးေတာ့ ျပဴတင္းေဖာက္ဖြင့္ၿပီး အိပ္ လုိက္ရပါတယ္။

တေရးႏုိးေတာ့ အျပင္မွာ အရုဏ္တက္စျပဳေနၿပီ။ နာရီကုိၾကည့္လုိက္ေတာ့ မနက္ ၂ နာရီခြဲပဲရွိပါ ေသးတယ္။ ဘန္ေကာက္အခ်ိန္ကိုမ်ား မျပင္ရေသးတာလားဆုိၿပီး သံသယ၀င္မိလုိ႔ အခန္းအျပင္ရွိ နံရံေပၚက နာရီကုိ သြားၾကည့္ေတာ့လည္း ၂ နာရီခဲြပါပဲ။ အင္း... ည ၁၀ နာရီမွ ေန၀င္ၿပီး မနက္ ၃ နာရီမထုိးခင္ အရုဏ္္တက္ေနတဲ့အရပ္ဆီ ကုိယ္ေရာက္ေနပါလားလုိ႔ ေတြးမိပါတယ္။ ဗုိက္ဆာလာလုိ႔ တခုခုခ်က္စားမလားဆုိၿပီး မီးဖုိေခ်ာင္ထဲ၀င္ေတာ့ ဒီႏုိင္ငံက လွ်ပ္စစ္မီးဖုိနဲ႔ မုိက္ခရုိေ၀့ အေႏြးေပးတဲ့ စက္ေတြကို က်ေနာ္က မသုံးတတ္ေသး။

ဒီေတာ့ ေရေႏြးခရားကုိဆူေအာင္တည္ျပီး ဘန္ေကာက္ကေနပါလာတဲ့ မားမားေခါက္ဆဲြေျခာက္ကုိပဲ စားသုံးရင္း မနက္ ၆ နာရီအထိ ႀကိဳးစားၿပီးျပန္အိပ္ရပါတယ္။ ဘန္ေကာက္က ABSDF ရံုးခန္းေတြမွာ စုေပါင္းေနစဥ္တုန္းကေတာ့ မနက္လင္းတာနဲ႔ တဦးဦးက ဘုရားရွိခုိးတာ၊ ဆြမ္းေတာ္တင္တာလုပ္ေနၿပီ။ ဒီမွာေတာ့ တေယာက္တခန္းဆုိေတာ့ မနက္ေစာေစာ ဘာအသံမွမၾကားရ။ မနက္စာအတြက္ လမ္း ထိပ္ထြက္ၿပီးထုိင္ဖို႔ လက္ဖက္ရည္ဆုိင္လည္းမရွိ။ စုိင္ထုံ (စားစရာကို ပလတ္စတစ္အိတ္နဲ႔သယ္တာကုိ ထုိင္းအေခၚ) ဆြဲဖုိ႔လည္း ဘာလမ္းေဘး ဆုိင္မွမရွိ။ ဒီလုိနဲ႔ မားမားေခါက္ဆဲြေျခာက္ကိုပဲ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ ႀကိဳးစားေသာက္ၿပီး ရံုးခ်ိန္အမွီ DVB ရံုးဆီ ေျပးလာရျပန္ပါတယ္။    ။

တနသာၤရီ ဂ်ာနယ္ အမွတ္ ၄၈။

Monday, May 19, 2014

ေျပာင္းေတာ့ ေျပာင္းတယ္ ဒါေပမယ့္ …

သူ႔အေတြး သူ႔အျမင္


 ေနာ္ေ၀း ႏုိင္ငံ,ေအာ္စလို ,AAPP ,Road Map , FPPS, NBC , NLD , ဇင္မာေအာင္, Civil Society
ေအာ္စလို ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတြင္ ေတြ႕ရေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသူေဟာင္း မဇင္မာေအာင္ (ဘယ္ဘက္က ဒုတိယေျမာက္)
(ဓာတ္ပုံ – ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္)

“ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ႏုိင္ငံတခု တည္ေထာင္ျခင္း သုိ႔မဟုတ္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွ စိမ္ေခၚမႈႏွင့္ အခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ား”လုိ႔ ေခါင္းစဥ္ေပးထားတဲ့ ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြတခု ေမလ ၁၄ ရက္ေန႔က ေနာ္ေ၀းႏုိင္ငံ ေအာ္စလုိၿမိဳ႕မွာ က်င္းပခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒီပြဲကုိ Partnership for Change အဖြဲ႔က စီစဥ္တာျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ရန္ကုန္က ၃ ဦးနဲ႔ ေနာ္ေ၀း က ၂ ဦး ပင္တုိင္ ေဆြးေႏြးၾကတာပါ။

“လက္ရွိေျပာေနၾကတဲ့ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းမႈျဖစ္စဥ္ဆုိတာဟာ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြနဲ႔ ၂၀၁၂ ၾကားျဖတ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြကေန စတင္ခဲ့တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး၊ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဆယ္ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္၊ ၂၀၀၃ ခုနွစ္မွာ Road Map ၇ ခ်က္ေရးဆြဲကတည္းက စခဲ့တာပါ”လုိ႔ ပထမ ဆုံး တက္ေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးသူ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသူေဟာင္း၊ အမ်ဳိးသမီးေရးရာ ပညာေပးကိစၥေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတဲ့ မဇင္မာေအာင္က ေျပာပါတယ္။

“အစုိးရဘက္ကေရးဆဲြတဲ့ လမ္းျပေျမပုံအတုိင္းသြားေနတဲ့ လမ္းေၾကာင္းသာျဖစ္ၿပီး ႏွစ္ဘက္ေဆြးေႏြးမႈရလဒ္ Dialogue နဲ႔ သြားေန တဲ့လမ္းေၾကာင္း မဟုတ္တဲ့အတြက္ ဒီအသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းမႈဟာ အားလုံးပါ၀င္ခြင့္ရတဲ့ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မဟုတ္ဘူး”လုိ႔လည္း သူကဆုိပါတယ္။
အခုဆုိရင္ မ်ဳိးေစာင့္ဥပေဒလုိ ဟာမ်ဳိးကိုထုတ္ၿပီး  ဘာသာေရးကုိေရွ႕တန္းတင္တဲ့ လုပ္ဟန္ေတြနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသမီးအခြင့္ေရးကိုပိတ္ပင္ ဖို႔ႀကိဳးစားလာေနတာေတြဟာ “အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းမႈကဘယ္ကုိဦး တည္ေနသလဲ၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ တခုဆီ ဟုတ္ရဲ့လား၊ တျခား ပုံစံ သစ္ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ တခုဆီကုိမ်ား ဦးတည္ေနသလား”လို႔ မဇင္မာေအာင္က ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ေတာ့ ပရိသတ္က လက္ခုပ္တီး အား ေပး ၾကတာကုိ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။

ဒုတိယ ေဆြးေႏြးသူကေတာ့ နုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းမ်ားအဖြဲ႔(FPPS)က ဦးျမင့္ေအာင္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူက လက္ရွိမွာ အက်ဥ္း သား ၃၀ ေက်ာ္က်န္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး ဖမ္းဆီးစစ္ေဆးခံေနရသူေတြ၊ တရား႐ုံးမွာ အမႈရင္ဆုိင္ေနရသူေတြလည္း ဒါဇင္နဲ႔ခ်ီ ရွိေနဆဲ လို႔ ေျပာဆုိသြား ပါတယ္။

ရန္ကုန္ကေရာက္လာတဲ့ ျမန္မာကုိယ္စားလွယ္ ၂ ဦးရဲ့ တင္ျပခ်က္အၿပီးမွာေတာ့ ဓာတ္ပုံဆရာ Richard K Dirran ရဲ႕ ရန္ကုန္မွာ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဓာတ္ပုံျပပဲြအေၾကာင္း မွတ္တမ္း႐ုပ္ရွင္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံတ၀န္းက ကြဲျပားျခားနားတဲ့လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြရဲ့ မ်က္ႏွာပုံေတြနဲ႔ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈပုံ ေတြအပါ၀င္ ဓာတ္ပုံေပါင္း ၅၀ နီး ပါးကိုလည္း ျပသထားပါတယ္။

ျပပဲြအၿပီး ေကာ္ဖီေသာက္ခ်ိန္ ခဏနားခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ လက္ရာေကာင္းလွတဲ့ ဓာတ္ပုံေတြကို က်ေနာ္လုိက္ေငးၾကည့္မိတယ္။

ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲလာ ျမန္မာတဦးကေတာ့ “ဒါလဲ အေျပာင္းလဲတခုေပ့ါဗ်ာ၊ အရင္က လူ႔အခြင့္ေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္ခံရတဲ့ ဓာတ္ပုံျပပဲြေနရာမွာ အခု ယဥ္ေက်းမႈဓာတ္ပုံျပပဲြက အစားထုိးလာတာေပါ့”လုိ႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။
အခုဆုိရင္ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံကုိ မသြားဖုိ႔ သပိတ္ေမွာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေနာက္တုိင္းသားေတြေတာင္ ရန္ကုန္သြားတာ အေတာ္မ်ားေနၿပီလုိ႔လည္း သူက ေထာက္ျပပါတယ္။

အဲဒီမွာတင္ တျခား ျမန္မာတဦးကလည္း “အဲဒါတင္ ဘယ္ကမလဲဗ်၊ အရင္က မဲေဆာက္ကလူေတြ လာလာေဟာေျပာေနတဲ့ ေန ရာ မွာ အခုရန္ကုန္က လူေတြလာေျပာေနၿပီေလ၊ ဒါလည္း ေျပာင္းလဲမႈတခုပဲေပါ့”လုိ႔ ရယ္ကာေမာကာနဲ႔ ၀င္ေျပာလုိက္တဲ့ အတြက္ ပြဲက် သြားျပန္ပါတယ္။

အရင္ကေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက မဲေဆာက္အေျခစိုက္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကူညီ ေရးအဖြဲ႔(AAPP) နဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ႏုိင္ငံေရး သမား တခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ဖိတ္ေခၚေလ့ရွိေပမယ့္၊ အခုေတာ့ AAPP အစား ရန္ကုန္အေျခစိုက္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းမ်ားအဖြဲ႔ (FPPS) နဲ႔ ရန္ကုန္က နုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြ အစားထုိး၀င္ေရာက္ေနၿပီဆုိေတာ့ အခင္းအက်င္းက ျပည္ပနဲ႔နယ္စပ္ကေန ျပည္တြင္း ခြင္ထဲကို ေရာက္သြားၿပီလုိ႔ ဆုိလုိတာပါ။

ဒီလုိတေယာက္တမ်ဳိး ေျပာလုိ႔ေကာင္းတုန္းမွာ ဒုတိယပုိင္း ေဆြေႏြးပဲြျပန္စမယ္လို႔ အခမ္းအနားမႉးရဲ့ဖိတ္ေခၚသံ ထြက္လာပါတယ္။

ဒုတိယပုိင္းမွာ အ႐ုဏ္ဦးအဖြဲ႔က ေဒါက္တာ စင္ခန္းလွ်ံက ဗမာအမ်ားစုပါ၀င္တဲ့ လက္ရွိအစိုးရနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႔ေတြၾကား အဆင္ မေျပမႈေတြ၊ မတူကဲြျပားတဲ့ လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြၾကား အျပန္အလွန္နားလည္မႈ တည္ေဆာက္ဖုိ႔ လုိေနတဲ့ကိစၥေတြ၊ ေက်းလက္ ေဒသ ဖြံၿဖိဳးေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ေတြ အေၾကာင္းတင္ျပသြားပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာေတြ ေဆြးေႏြးလုိ႔အၿပီး ေနာ္ေ၀း-ျမန္မာ ေကာ္မီတီ (NBC) မွ Audun Aagre၊ ေနာ္ေ၀း ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္းနဲ႔ လက္ရွိ ေအာ္စလုိ စင္တာရဲ႕ ညႊန္မႈး Kjell Magne Bondevik တုိ႔ရဲ႕အျမင္ေတြကိုလည္း နားေထာင္ခြင့္ ရျပန္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီရရွိေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈကို နွစ္ ၂၀ ေက်ာ္အားေပးလာခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီပုဂၢိဳလ္ႏွစ္ဦးဆီက ၾကားရတဲ့အျမင္ေတြဟာ ေနာ္ေ၀း အစိုးရ ပုိင္းက အျမင္ေတြနဲ႔မတူပါဘူး။

Audun ကေတာ့ အရင္ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈးႀကီး သန္းေရႊနဲ႔ ဗုိလ္ ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ခင္ညႊန္႔တုိ႔ ၾသဇာတိကၠမႀကီးစဥ္ကေရးဆဲြခဲ့တဲ့ လမ္းျပေျမပုံဟာ စည္းကမ္းျပည့္၀ေသာ ဒီမုိကေရစီကုိ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ဖုိ႔ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာေနေပမယ့္၊ လတ္တေလာ ျမန္မာျပည္က ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ ဘာသာ ေရး တင္းမာမႈေတြကုိၾကည့္ၿပီး သူတုိ႔ေျပာတဲ့ စည္းကမ္းျပည့္၀ေသာ ဒီမုိကေရစီ စနစ္ဆီ ဦးတည္ေနတာ ဟုတ္မွဟုတ္ပါ့မလား” ဆုိၿပီး ေမးခြန္း ထုတ္ပါတယ္။

စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ ႀကံ့ခုိင္ေရးပါတီက ရွိသမွ်လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္နဲ႔ ေငြေၾကးပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈ အားလုံးကို ယူထားျပီး NLD ပါတီနဲ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီ အင္အားစုေတြ၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔ေတြမွာ အဲဒီလုိတန္းတူအခြင့္ေရး မရွိတဲ့အတြက္ တန္းတူယွဥ္ျပိဳင္ခြင့္ မရွိဘူး၊ အရာရာကုိ အစုိးရက ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ ထား လုိ႔ မရသလုိ၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေ၀ဖန္ခြင့္ ေပးဖုိ႔လုိတဲ့အျပင္၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ Civil Society လုိ႔ေခၚတဲ့ အရပ္ဘက္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြကို အားေပးဖုိ႔၊ နုိင္ငံေရး အင္အားစု အားလုံးကုိ တန္းတူအခြင့္ေရးရေအာင္ နုိင္ငံတကာဘက္က လုပ္ေပးဖုိ႔လုိတယ္လုိ႔ ေထာက္ျပပါတယ္။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေနာ္ေ၀းအစုိးရအေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံကုိအကူညီေပးတဲ့အခါ အာဏာရ အစိုးရဘက္ကုိပဲ ေဇာင္းေပးသလုိျဖစ္မွာကုိ အထူး သတိထားဖုိ႔ ေနာ္ေ၀း-ျမန္မာ ေကာ္မီတီအေနနဲ႔ မၾကာခဏ သတိေပးေနရတယ္လုိ႔ သူက ဆက္ေျပာပါတယ္။

ေနာက္ဆုံးေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း Bondevik ကေတာ့ အခုႏွစ္ပုိင္း ျဖစ္ေပၚတုိးတက္မႈေတြအရ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာ ခဏတာ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ ရေနျပီဆုိတာ သံသယရွိစရာမရွိေပမယ့္၊ လာမည့္ ၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဟာ လြတ္လပ္ၿပီး တရားမွ်တတဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ ပဲြျဖစ္လာမလားလုိ႔ ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ပါတယ္။

“လြတ္လပ္မႈရွိမရွိေတာ့ က်ေနာ္မသိဘူး၊ မွ်တမႈ မရွိမွာကေတာ့ ေသခ်ာေနပါတယ္၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိရင္ လက္ရွိဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံအေျခခံ ဥပေဒထဲက အပိုဒ္တခုမွာ လြတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ ၂၅ ရာခုိင္ႏႈန္းကုိ ေရြးေကာက္စရာမလုိဘဲ စစ္တပ္ကုိ ခြဲတမ္းေပးရမယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိထား ပါတယ္” လုိ႔ သူ ေထာက္ျပတဲ့ အခ်က္ကုိ ႏွစ္ၿခိဳက္တဲ့ ပရိသတ္က လက္ခုပ္တီး အားေပးၾကပါတယ္။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ လြတ္လပ္ၿပီး တရားမွ်တတဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြျဖစ္လာေစဖုိ႔၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီအင္အားစုေတြနဲ႔ နုိင္ငံတကာမိသားစုဘက္က ျမန္မာ အာဏာပုိင္ေတြရဲ႕ လုပ္ရပ္အေပၚ ျပင္းျပင္း ထန္ထန္ တုံ႔ျပန္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္လို႔ သူကအႀကံ ျပဳပါတယ္။

လူမ်ဳိးစုအေရးကိုနားမလည္ရင္ ျမန္မာ့နုိင္ငံေရးကို နားမလည္နုိင္ဘူးလုိ႔ ေျပာရမွာ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ေနာ္ေ၀းအစိုးရ ကူညီေနတဲ့ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ေနာက္ျပန္ဆုတ္မွာကိုလည္း သူ႔အေနနဲ႔ အထူးစုိးရိမ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ လာဘ္ေပးလာဘ္ယူမႈ ႀကီးမားတဲ့အတြက္ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံဖုိ႔ လုပ္ေနတဲ့ ကုမၸဏီေတြ အေနနဲ႔ သတိထားဖုိ႔ လုိတယ္၊ အာဏာနဲ႔ ေငြေၾကးရွိတဲ့ လူေတြကုိ အားေပးသလုိျဖစ္မယ့္ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈကုိ ေရွာင္ရမယ္လုိ႔လည္း Bondevik က ဆုိျပန္ပါတယ္။

ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ အၿပီးမွာ ရန္ကုန္က လာေရာက္တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသူေဟာင္း မဇင္မာေအာင္က လက္ရွိ အေျပာင္းအလဲကုိ ဘာေၾကာင့္ မယုံသလဲ၊ ႏုိင္ငံတကာတုံ႔ျပန္မႈက ဘယ္လုိရွိသလဲ ဆုိတာ တီးေခါက္ၾကည့္မိတယ္။

ေနာ္ေ၀း အပါအ၀င္ စကင္ဒီေနးဗီးယန္း နုိင္ငံေတြက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစု ၾကည္နဲ႔ သမတဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္တက္၊ ဟုိ သြား ဒီသြားလုပ္တာကုိ အားလုံး အုိေကေနၿပီလုိ႔ ထင္ေနတာ၊ ျမန္မာ့အေျပာင္းအလဲကို အေပၚယံေလာက္ပဲသိၾကတယ္၊ တကယ္ ေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ထင္သလုိ မဟုတ္ပါဘူးလုိ႔ မဇင္မာေအာင္က ေျဖပါတယ္။

ဒါ့အျပင္ အမွန္တရားေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရး ဆုိတာလည္း မရွိေတာ့တဲ့အတြက္ တကယ့္ အေျခအေနကုိ ကမၻာကသိေအာင္ က်မတုိ႔ Civil Society ေတြက ဆက္လုပ္ရမယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိတယ္။

လက္ရွိမွာ အာဏာရပါတီနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားတခ်ဳိ႕က လူမ်ားစုမဲကိုပဲ ဦးစားေပးၿပီး ဘာသာေရးကုိ ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ အလဲြသုံးလာတာ ေတြဟာ အႏၱရာယ္ရွိတဲ့အတြက္ လက္ရွိအေျပာင္းအလဲဟာ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ဆီ ဦးမတည္ဘဲ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ေဟာင္း တခုကေန အရပ္သားတပုိင္း အာဏာရွင္အသစ္ တမ်ဳိးဆီ ဦးတည္သြားမွာကုိ စုိးရိမ္တယ္လို႔လည္း သူက ေျဖၾကားသြားပါတယ္။     ။

Wednesday, May 14, 2014

စားပြဲထုိး၊ ဧည့္လမ္းညႊန္နဲ႔ ပန္းသည္ေလးေတြ

သူ႔အေတြး သူ႔အျမင္

ဧရာ၀တီ။
 
ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားေတြ၊ ဆင္းရဲသားေတြရဲ႕ ကေလးေတြထဲကေန အိမ္ေဖာ္ေတြ၊ စားပြဲထုိးေတြ ထြက္လာတာပါ (ဓာတ္ပံု – Reuters)
ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားေတြ၊ ဆင္းရဲသားေတြရဲ႕ ကေလးေတြထဲကေန အိမ္ေဖာ္ေတြ၊ စားပြဲထုိးေတြ ထြက္လာတာပါ (ဓာတ္ပံု – Reuters)

အမိေျမနဲ႔ ၂၅ ႏွစ္တာ ေ၀းကြာေနရသူ ေက်ာင္းသားေဟာင္း အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားဟာ ရန္ကုန္ၿမ်ိ႕ဆီ ျပန္ေရာက္တဲ့အခါ ပထမဆုံး သြားျဖစ္ၾကတဲ့ေနရာက ေရႊတိဂံုေစတီျဖစ္ၿပီး ဒုတိယ ေနရာကေတာ့ အင္းလ်ား ကန္ေစာင္းပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အင္းလ်ား ကန္ေစာင္းက စားေသာက္ဆုိင္တန္းမွာ ေတြ႔ရတဲ့ စားပဲြထုိး အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားဟာ အသက္ ၁၈ ႏွစ္ မျပည့္ေသးတဲ့ လူငယ္ေတြပါ။

“အသက္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရွိၿပီလဲ၊ ေက်ာင္းမေနၾကဘူးလား”ဆုိၿပီး ေမးၾကည့္ေတာ့ သူတုိ႔က သိပ္ေျဖခ်င္ပုံ မရပါ။

ေနာက္တရက္မွာေတာ့ တာေမြအ၀ုိင္းအနီးက နာမည္ႀကီး လက္ဖက္ရည္ဆုိင္မွာ သြားထုိင္ရင္းနဲ႔ စားပဲြထုိး လူငယ္ေတြနဲ႔စကားေျပာျဖစ္ ပါတယ္။ အသက္ ၁၈ ႏွစ္ မျပည့္ေသးတဲ့ လူငယ္စားပဲြထုိး ၁၀ ဦးေက်ာ္ေလာက္ ရွိမယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ဟာ အညာေဒသကျဖစ္ၿပီး ဒီဆုိင္မွာအလုပ္ရဖုိ႔အေရး အေတာ္ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ရတယ္လို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ ေက်ာင္းမေနၾကဘူးလား ဆုိၿပီးေမးေတာ့ မူလတန္းေတာ့ ေအာင္ၿပီးၿပီ၊ အလယ္တန္းေတာ့ တ၀က္တပ်က္နဲ႔ ထြက္လာရတယ္လုိ႔ တဦးကေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီလူငယ္ေလးရဲ့ သခ်ၤာ စြမ္း ရည္ ကေတာ့ လက္ဖ်ား ခါေလာက္ပါတယ္။

ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိရင္ ရန္ကုန္က လက္ဖက္ရည္ဆုိင္နဲ႔ စားေသာက္ဆုိင္အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ စားပဲြနံပါတ္ ေတြ၊ ေဘာက္ခ်ာ နံပါတ္ ေတြ၊ ေဘာက္ခ်ာေတြ ေရးေလ့မရွိပါ။ လက္ဖက္ရည္တခြက္က ဘယ္ေလာက္၊ မုန္႔တခုက ဘယ္မွ်၊ ၾကက္သားဟင္း တပြဲက ဘယ္ပုံ၊ ေဆးလိပ္တဘူးက ဘယ္ေရြ႕ စသျဖင့္တခါတည္း ပါးစပ္ကေန တန္းေျပာၿပီး ေပါင္းသြားလုိက္တာမ်ား ဂဏန္းေပါင္းစက္ ရွိမွ အလုပ္ လုပ္ တတ္တဲ့ အေနာက္တုိင္းသားေတြ အေလးျပဳေလာက္ပါတယ္။

ဒါက ရန္ကုန္မွာေတြ႔ရတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းဆက္တက္ခြင့္မရတဲ့ ၁၈ နွစ္ေအာက္ လူငယ္အလုပ္သမားေလး ေတြရဲ႕ အေျခအေနပါ။ ပုဂံနဲ႔ အင္းေလး ဘက္မွာေတြ႔ရတဲ့ လူငယ္ အလုပ္သမားေတြက်ေတာ့ ရန္ကုန္နဲ႔ မတူျပန္ဘူး။ ဘာျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ရန္ကုန္က စားေသာက္ဆုိင္ ေတြမွာ စားပဲြထုိး လုပ္ရတာဟာ တရား၀င္လုပ္သား တပုိင္းျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ သူတုိ႔မွာ လစာရပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ပုဂံက ေရႊစည္းခုံေစတီနံေဘးမွာေတြ႔ရတဲ့ အေပ်ာ္တန္း ဧည့္လမ္းညႊန္ ကေလးငယ္ေတြကေတာ့ လစာရွိပုံမရ။ တရား၀င္ လမ္းညႊန္ေတြျဖစ္လာေအာင္လဲ ဘယ္သူကမွ ေျမေတာင္ေျမွာက္ေပးမယ့္ ပုံမရွိ။ ထူးျခားတာကေတာ့ ရန္ကုန္ စားေသာက္ဆုိင္ တန္း က ကေလး စားပဲြထုိးေတြ သခ်ာၤတြက္ ကြ်မ္းက်င္သလုိ ပုဂံက ဧည့္လမ္းညႊန္ကေလးေတြကလဲ အဂၤလိပ္စကား အလြန္ကြ်မ္း ပါတယ္။ ဘုရားရာဇ၀င္ တခုလုံးကို အာဂုံေဆာင္ထားနုိင္တာဟာ အ့ံၾသစရာပါပဲ။ တခ်ဳိ႕ကေလးေတြဆုိရင္ အဂၤလိပ္ စကားေျပာအျပင္ ျပင္သစ္၊ ဂ်ာမန္၊ ထုိင္း ဘာသာေတြကုိပါ အေတာ္အတန္ေျပာတတ္ေနတာကုိေတြ႔မိေတာ့ မခ်ီးက်ဳးဘဲ မေနနုိင္။

ခက္တာက ဒီကေလးေတြ ဒီေလာက္ေတာ္ေနေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ကုိ ဘယ္သူကမွ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ ထားတာမရွိ။ ဧည့္သည္တဦးအတြက္ လမ္းညႊန္မႈေပးရင္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ေပးရမယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ အခေၾကးေငြ သတ္မွတ္ခ်က္လည္း မရွိ။ ေစတနာ ရွိသေလာက္သာ ေပးထား ခဲ့ေပေတာ့။

“နွစ္ေထာင္ေလာက္ေတာ့ ေပးပါ ဦးရယ္။ ဒီကရတဲ့ေငြနဲ႔ မိဘနွစ္ပါးကို လုပ္ေကြ်းေနရတာပါ”လုိ႔ဆုိေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္စိတ္ထဲမွာ အေတာ္ မေကာင္းျဖစ္သြားပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူလုိ ေတာင္းေနသူေတြက တဒါဇင္မက ရွိတယ္ဆုိေတာ့ တေယာက္ႏွစ္ေထာင္ ေပး ရရင္ ေသေရာေပါ့။

ပုဂံၿပီးရင္ ကမၻာလွည့္ခရီးသည္ ဒုတိယ အမ်ားဆုံး သြားတဲ့ေနရာလုိ႔ နာမည္ႀကီးေနတဲ့ အင္းေလးကန္ဘက္ ေရာက္ေတာ့လည္း အေျခအေနက ေနာက္တမ်ဳိး။ ဒီကေလးေတြက ပုဂံဘက္မွာလုိ ဧည့္လမ္းညႊန္မလုပ္ဘဲ ပန္း ေရာင္းၾကပါတယ္။ ေဖာင္ေတာ္ဦး ေစတီနဲ႔ အလုိေတာ္ေပါက္ ေစတီေဘးမွာေတြ႔ရတဲ့ ကေလးေတြဆီက ထူးထူးျခားျခား ပညာေရးနဲ႔ ဆုိင္တဲ့ေတာင္းဆုိသံ တခုကုိၾကား ရေတာ့ အေတာ္ အံ့ၾသ သြားပါတယ္။

“ဦးေလး၊ ဦးေလးက ပန္းမ၀ယ္ရင္လဲ သမီး ေက်ာင္းစာအုပ္ဖုိး အတြက္ တေထာင္ေလာက္ ေပးခဲ့ေလ”လုိ႔ ပန္းသည္ ကေလးမ တဦး က ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဧည့္သည္က ၀ယ္ခ်င္မွန္းမသိ၊ မ၀ယ္ခ်င္မွန္းမသိဘဲနဲ႔ လမ္းပိတ္ၿပီး ေရာင္းေနလို႔ စိတ္ညစ္ၿပီး ထြက္ေျပး လာတဲ့က်ေနာ္ ေတြေ၀သြားပါတယ္။ လွဴလုိက္ရင္ ေကာင္းမလားေပါ့။ ဒါေပမယ့္ စိတ္ထဲမွာေတာ့ ဒါေတြဟာ အစိုးရကေျဖရွင္းေပး ရမယ့္ကိစၥပဲ။ ၂ ေထာင္ေပးလုိက္႐ုံနဲ႔ ေျပလည္သြားမယ့္ ကိစၥမွ မဟုတ္ဘဲ။ ၿပီးေတာ့ သူ႔ကုိ နွစ္ေထာင္ေပးရင္ က်န္တဲ့လူေတြ ကလည္းပဲ နွစ္ေထာင္စီ ထပ္ေတာင္းေနရင္ ဒုကၡ။

ရန္ကုန္ စားေသာက္ဆုိင္တန္းကေန ပုဂံ၊ အင္းေလး ဘုရားေစာင္းတန္းက ပန္းသည္ ေလးေတြ အထိ ပုံစံအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ ဘ၀ကုိ႐ုန္း ကန္ ေနရရွာတဲ့ အသက္ ၁၈ နွစ္ မျပည့္ေသးဘဲ လုပ္ငန္းခြင္ထဲ ၀င္ေနရသူေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္မ်ား ရွိေနၾကမလဲ။ ဘယ္သူကမွ စာရင္းဇယား လုပ္မထားေတာ့ အတိအက် မသိနုိင္ပါ။
ဒါေပမယ့္ တနုိင္ငံလုံးက လက္ဖက္ရည္ဆုိင္ေတြ၊ ေစတီပုထိိုးေတြ၊ မီးရထား ဘူတာ႐ုံေတြ၊ အေ၀းေျပး ကားဂိတ္ေတြမွာ အလုပ္ လုပ္ ေနရတဲ့ ကေလးေတြကုိ ေပါင္းလုိက္ရင္ အေရအတြက္ သန္းဂဏန္း မက ရွိမယ္လို႔ ခန္႔မွန္းနုိင္ပါတယ္။

သူတုိ႔အတြက္ ဘယ္သူေတြက ဘာလုပ္ေပးနုိင္ၾကမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိလုပ္ေပးေနၾကသလဲ။ အင္း…ဒီ ေမးခြန္းကို ေမးရတာကလည္း ခပ္လန္႔လန္႔။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိရင္ “ဒီကေလးေတြ ဒီလုိပဲ တသက္လုံးေနလာတာ အဆန္းလုပ္လို႔၊ မင္းက နုိင္ငံျခားကေန ျပန္လာမွ ကိန္းႀကီးခန္းႀကီးနဲ႔ ေလွ်ာက္ေျပာေနတယ္”ဆုိၿပီး အေျပာခံရေလ့ရွိလို႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

သတိမမူ ဂူ မျမင္ဆုိတဲ့အတုိင္း အမွားအယြင္းေတြၾကားမွာ ေန႔စဥ္ေနထုိင္ ရွင္သန္ေနသူေတြအဖို႔ ဒီဟာကုိ အမွားအယြင္းတခုအျဖစ္ ျမင္ခ်င္မွ ျမင္ၾကပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါဟာ သူေမြးလာကတည္း က ေန႔စဥ္ျမင္ေနရတဲ့ ျမင္ကြင္းျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ဒါကို အမွားအယြင္းတခု၊ အားနည္းခ်က္တခု၊ ျပဳျပင္ဖုိ႔လုိေနတဲ့ အခ်က္တခုအျဖစ္ ျမင္မိဖုိ႔မလြယ္ပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီျမင္ကြင္းနဲ႔ေ၀းေနတာ ၾကာၿပီျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပည္ ေတာ္ျပန္ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြကေတာ့ ဒါကုိ မွားယြင္းခ်က္၊ အားနည္းခ်က္အျဖစ္ ခ်က္ခ်င္းျမင္ေလ့ ရွိပါတယ္။

ပထမဆုံး တင္ျပခ်င္တာကေတာ့ ဒီအားနည္းခ်က္ေတြ၊ မွားယြင္းခ်က္ေတြကုိ အရွိကုိ အရွိအတုိင္း လက္ခံဖုိ႔လုိပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိလက္ခံႏိုင္မွသာ ျပဳျပင္ေရး လုပ္ဖို႔လုိတယ္ဆုိတာကုိ လက္ခံလာနုိင္မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြဟာ အရင္ကတည္းက ျဖစ္ေနတာပဲ။ ဘာဆန္း လုိ႔လဲဆုိတဲ့ အျမင္ရွိေနရင္ေတာ့ ျပဳျပင္ဖုိ႔ လမ္းစေတြ႔နုိင္မယ္မထင္ပါ။

ဒါေတြကုိ မွားယြင္းခ်က္၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္ခံေနရမႈအျဖစ္ အမ်ားက နားလည္သေဘာေပါက္လာၿပီ ဆုိရင္ေကာ ဘယ္သူ ေတြ က ဘာေတြမ်ား လုပ္ေပးၾကမွာလဲ။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ လပိုင္းအတြင္းကေတာ့ ေက်ာင္းေနခြင့္မရတဲ့ ကေလးငယ္ေတြ အတြက္ NGO တခုက ေရႊ႔ေျပာင္းေက်ာင္းတခု ထူေထာင္ၿပီး ရန္ကုန္က ကေလးစားပြဲထုိးေတြကို သူတုိ႔ဆုိင္ေတြ အထိသြားၿပီး စာသင္ေပးတယ္ လုိ႔ သတင္းၾကားရပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ အစီစဥ္ျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ ေဆးၿမီးတုိ သေဘာသာျဖစ္ၿပီး အျမစ္ျပတ္ ကုထုံးေတာ့မျဖစ္ နုိင္ေသးပါ။

ဒါျဖင့္ အျမစ္ျပတ္ကုထုံးက ဘာလဲ။ အစိုးရ ဘက္ကေန ကေလးလုပ္သား မခုိင္းဘူးဆုိတဲ့ နုိင္ငံတကာ စာခ်ဳပ္စာတန္းေတြကို လက္ မွတ္ထုိးၿပီး ဒီကေလးေတြ ေက်ာင္းေနနုိင္ေအာင္ အမ်ဳိးသား စီမံကိန္းခ်မွတ္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖုိ႔လုိေနပါတယ္။

ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ၂၀၁၃ ခုႏွစ္ေနွာင္းပုိင္းက ထြက္ေပၚခဲ့တဲ့သတင္းေတြ အရဆုိ ရင္ေတာ့ ILO Convention 182 ကုိ ျမန္မာ အစိုးရ ဘက္က လက္မွတ္ထုိးလုိက္တဲ့ အတြက္ ကေလးေတြကို ဒီလုိခုိင္းေစေနမႈအေပၚ ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူနုိင္ေတာ့မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီလို လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိးထားတယ္ ဆုိတာကုိ အလုပ္ရွင္ေတြ၊ ကေလးေတြနဲ႔ ကေလး မိဘေတြကိုယ္တုိင္ က သိရွိၾကပါရဲ႕လား။ သူတုိ႔ ေက်ာင္းတက္ခြင့္မရဘဲ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနရတာကို ေပ်ာ္ေနၾကၿပီး မိဘကို လုပ္ေကြ်းေနတာပါလုိ႔ ထင္ေနၾကျပန္ရင္ လည္း ဒီဥပေဒ က အသက္၀င္ဖုိ႔ မလြယ္ကူပါ။

လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၁၀ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ကႀကံဳခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ ထုိင္းနုိင္ငံ မဟာခ်ဳိင္ေဒသက ျမန္မာ ကေလးလုပ္သားေတြ ကယ္တင္ေရး စီမံကိန္းတခုကို သတိရမိပါတယ္။ အသက္ မျပည့္ေသးတဲ့ကေလးေတြကို မဟာခ်ဳိင္ ပုဇြန္ စက္ရံုမွာ ခုိင္းေစေနတယ္ဆုိၿပီး သတင္းရတဲ့အတြက္ NGO တခုနဲ႔အတူ က်ေနာ္ သတင္းယူဖုိ႔ လုိက္သြားပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကိုျမင္ေတာ့ ထုိင္းအလုပ္ရွင္က မႀကိဳက္ပါ။ အလုပ္႐ုံထဲ ၀င္ၾကည့္လုိ႔ေတာ့ရေပမယ့္ ဓတ္ပုံရုိက္ခြင့္၊ ေမးျမန္းခြင့္ေတာ့ မေပးနုိင္ဘူးလုိ႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ ၀င္ၾကည့္ေတာ့ အသက္ ၁၄-၁၅ ၀န္းက်င္ လူငယ္ေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး။

အဲဒါေတြကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က သတင္းျပန္လုပ္ေတာ့ အလုပ္ရွင္ေရာ အလုပ္သမား ေတြဘက္ကပါ စိတ္ဆုိးတာခံရေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ အေတာ္ အံ့ၾသသြားပါတယ္။
“ဒီကေလးေတြက ဒီမွာ အလုပ္မလုပ္ရင္ ဘယ္မွာသြားလုပ္ရမလဲ။ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ ထမင္းေကြ်းထားမွာလား”လုိ႔ ကေလးမိဘေတြနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ အလုပ္သမားေတြ က ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဆုိလုိတာကေတာ့ ဥပေဒ အတုိင္း သြားလုပ္႐ုံ နဲ႔မၿပီး။ ဒီကေလးေတြကို အလုပ္ခြင္ထဲကေန ျပန္ထုတ္ခ်င္တယ္ဆုိရင္ သူတုိ႔ကုိ ေက်ာင္းထားေပးနုိင္ဖို႔၊ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ စား၀တ္ေနေရးကုိတာ၀န္ယူ ေပးနုိင္ဖုိ႔ေတာ့ အနည္းဆုံးလုိအပ္မွာပါ။ ဘာမွ တာ၀န္မယူနုိင္ဘဲနဲ႔ေတာ့ “မင္းအသက္မျပည့္ေသးလုိ႔ အလုပ္ခြင္ထဲ မ၀င္ပါနဲ႔”ဆုိၿပီး ဥပေဒ တခုတည္းနဲ႔ သြားတားေနလုိ႔ မျဖစ္နုိင္ပါ။ ဒီအတြက္ အစိုးရမွာ ဘယ္လုိ စီမံကိန္းမ်ဳိး ရွိေနၿပီလဲ။

အင္းလ်ား ကန္ေဘး စားေသာက္ဆုိင္တန္းက စားပဲြထုိး ကေလးေတြ၊ ပုဂံေရႊစည္းခုံေစတီနဲ႔ အင္းေလး ေဖာင္ေတာ္ဦး ေစတီ အနီး က ဧည့္လမ္းညႊန္ ကေလးေတြ၊ ပန္းသည္ ကေလးေတြနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတ၀န္းက ေက်ာင္းျပင္ပ ေရာက္ေနၾကတဲ့ ကေလးငယ္ေတြ အားလုံး စာသင္ခန္းထဲ ျပန္ေရာက္နုိင္မယ့္ နည္းလမ္းေတြအတြက္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ၀ုိင္း၀န္း စဥ္းစား အေျဖရွာဖို႔ လုိေနၿပီျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ။

Tuesday, May 13, 2014

ေတာ္လွန္ေရး သတင္းသမားတဦးရဲ့ ဒုိင္ယာရီ (အပုိင္း ၁၀)

ေနာ္ေ၀းကုိသြားဖုိ႔ စတင္ျပင္ဆင္ျခင္း

၁၉၉၉ ခုနွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလက ဇလားခခန္းမွာက်င္းပတဲ့ ABSDF ပဥၥမအႀကိမ္ညီလာခံအျပီးမွာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ဟာ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီတာ၀န္ကေန ႏုတ္ထြက္ၿပီး သတင္းေထာက္အလုပ္တခုတည္းကိုသာ တစုိက္မတ္မတ္လုပ္ေတာ့မယ္လုိ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္ပါတယ္။ DVB အတြက္ သတင္းေတြပုိ႔ေနသလုိ အဂၤ လိပ္ဘာသာနဲ႔လည္း ေဆာင္းပါးေတြ ဆက္တုိက္ေရးျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

(ေအာ္စလိုျမိဳ့ ျမင္ကြင္းတခု။ ဓာတ္ပုံ-ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္)

ဘန္ေကာက္အေျခစိုက္သတင္းေထာက္အျဖစ္ အဲဒီလုိသတင္းပုိ႔လုိ႔၊ ေရးလုိ႔အရွိန္ေကာင္းတုန္း ေမလ ထဲမွာေတာ့ DVB ရံုးခ်ဳပ္ရွိရာ ေနာ္ေ၀းနုိင္ငံ ေအာ္စလုိၿမိဳ့ဆီ Interim အျဖစ္သြားဖုိ႔ တာ၀န္ေပးျခင္းခံရ ပါတယ္။ ဒီေနရာမွာ စိတ္၀င္စားဖုိ႔ေကာင္းတာက Passport ႏုိင္ငံကူးလက္မွတ္အတု ေစ်းကြက္အ ေၾကာင္းပါ္။

က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အားလုံးဟာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလုပ္ဖုိ႔ ေတာခုိလာသူေတြ၊ ေထာင္ကေနလြတ္လို႔ နယ္စပ္ကို ထြက္လာသူေတြျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ဘယ္သူ႔မွာမွ တရား၀င္ ႏုိင္ငံကူးလက္မွတ္မရွိနုိင္ပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီ ကာလမွာကတည္းက ႏုိင္ငံရပ္ျခားဆီ အစည္းအေ၀းသြားတက္ေနတ့ဲ ABSDF နဲ႔ တျခားေတာ္လွန္ေရး အဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြ မနည္းလွပါ။ ဒီအတြက္ ဘန္ေကာက္မွာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကူးလက္မွတ္အတု ေစ်းကြက္က အ ေတာ္ေခတ္စားေနပါၿပီ။

ဘယ္သူေတြ ဘယ္လုိလုပ္ေနမွန္း မသိရေပမယ့္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားခဏခဏသြားတဲ့ ABSDF ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ဌာနက ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြနဲ႔ အဲဒီ ႏုိင္ငံကူးလက္မွတ္ပဲြစားေတြၾကား ခ်ိတ္ဆက္ႏုိင္တဲ့ လမ္းေၾကာင္းရွိေနပါ တယ္။ အဲဒီကတဆင့္ က်ေနာ့္ဓာတ္ပုံကုိေပးလုိက္ေတာ့ ကပ္-ခြာ လုပ္ၿပီး သတင္းတပတ္အတြင္းမွာ တင္ စာအုပ္ အတုရလာပါတယ္။ သိပ္အေ၀းႀကီးသြားယူစရာမလုိ၊ ရံုးနဲ႔သိပ္မေ၀းတဲ့ ဘန္းကပိ the Mall ကုန္တုိက္က ေကာ္ဖီဆုိင္မွာ က်သင့္ေငြေပးၿပီး ယူလုိက္ရံုပါပဲ။

ေစ်းႏႈန္းအတိအက်ကို မမွတ္မိေတာ့ေပမယ့္ ဘတ္ ၇၀၀၀ ေလာက္ေပးရမယ္လို႔ထင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ စာအုပ္ရၿပီးတာနဲ႔ စာအုပ္ထဲက လူရဲ့အမည္၊ ေမြးသကၠရာဇ္၊ အရပ္အေမာင္းနဲ႔ စာအုပ္နံပါတ္ေတြကို အ လြတ္က်က္ရပါတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ စာအုပ္ထဲက ထုိးၿမဲလက္မွတ္နဲ႔တူေအာင္ လက္မွတ္ထုိးေလ့က်င့္ရပါ တယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိရင္ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းသားေတြ စာအုပ္အတုကိုင္ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံျခားထြက္ေနတယ္ဆုိ တာကုိ ဘန္ေကာက္ေလဆိပ္ လ၀က ေတြကရိပ္မိတဲ့အတြက္ စာအုပ္ထဲက လူဟုတ္ရဲ့လားဆုိျပိး အ မည္ေမးတာ၊ ေမြးေန႔ေမးတာ၊ လက္မွတ္ထုိးခုိင္းတာေတြ လုပ္ေလ့ရွိတယ္လို႔ ႏုိင္ငံျခားသြားဖူးသူေတြက သတိေပးထားလုိ႔ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ရတဲ့ စာအုပ္အတုထဲက (တကယ္ေတာ့ စာအုပ္က အတုမဟုတ္ပါ။ လူကသာ အတု ျဖစ္ပါတယ္) လူက က်ေနာ္ထက္ အသက္နည္းနည္းငယ္ေပမယ့္ အရပ္အေမာင္းက သိပ္မကြာပါဘူး။ ဒီေတာ့ ဓာတ္ပုံ ကပ္ခြာလုပ္တာမွအပ တျခား ဘာမွျပင္စရာမလုိဘူးလုိ႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ အေတာ္ ကံေကာင္းတာပါ။ ဓာတ္ပုံျပင္တာ သိပ္မသိသာေပမယ့္ တျခားအခ်က္လက္ေတြပါ ျပင္ရင္ စာအုပ္က ပုံပ်က္သြားတတ္ပါတယ္။ သူတု႔ိအေခၚ ရြဲ သြားတတ္ပါတယ္။

ေလဆိပ္မွာ အရစ္ခံရတာ မသက္သာလွပါ

စာအုပ္ကိစၥျပင္ဆင္မႈ အားလုံးအၿပီးမွာေတာ့ ေနာ္ေ၀းသံရံုးဆီသြားၿပီး ဗီဇာေလွ်ာက္ရပါတယ္။ ဗီဇာရ ၿပီးေတာ့ ေလယဥ္လက္မွတ္၀ယ္။ အားလုံး အဆင့္သင့္ျဖစ္ေတာ့ ဘန္ေကာက္ ေဒါင္းေမာင္း ေလယဥ္ ကြင္းဆီသြား။ ေနာ္ေ၀းကုိ သြားမယ့္ ေလယဥ္ေပၚတက္ဖုိ႔ျပင္ေပါ့။

 (ေအာ္စလုိျမိဳ့ေတာ္ခန္းမကုိ ျပင္လယ္ျပင္ဖက္ကအျမင္)

အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ထိ နုိင္ငံရပ္ျခားဆီ က်ေနာ္တခါမွ ခရီးမသြားဖူးေသးပါ။ ေလယဥ္ဆုိလုိ႔ ထား၀ယ္-ရန္ကုန္ ေလယဥ္နဲ႔ ခ်င္းမုိင္-မယ္ေဟာင္ေဆာင္ ျပည္တြင္းေလေၾကာင္းေတြေလာက္ပဲ စီးဖူးပါတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံတ ကာေလယဥ္တခါမွ မစီးဖူးတဲ့အျပင္ စာအုပ္ကလည္း အတုျဖစ္ေနေတာ့ စိတ္ထဲမွာ သိပ္မလုံလွပါ။ DVB ဘန္ေကာက္ဗ်ဳရိုတာ၀န္ခံလဲျဖစ္၊ ABSDF ျပန္ၾကားေရးတာ၀န္ရွိသူလည္းျဖစ္တဲ့ ကိုခင္ေမာင္၀င္း က ေလဆိပ္အထိလုိက္ျပီး အေသးစိတ္လုိက္ကူေပးေပမဲ့ ''စာအုပ္အတုၾကီးနဲ႔ အဖမ္းခံရရင္ေတာ့ ဒုကၡ ပဲ'' ဆုိတဲ့စုိးရိမ္မႈက တခ်ိန္လုံးေခါင္းထဲေရာက္ေနပါတယ္။

Check In ေကာင္တာက ထုိင္းမေလးေတြက ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းသားမွန္းသိလုိ႔ တမင္ညစ္တာလား မသိ ပါဘူး။ ေနာ္ေ၀း ဗီဇာရွိေနတာေတာင္ ဟုိေမး ဒီေမးနဲ႔ ေမးခြန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေမးပါတယ္။ ေနာ္ေ၀းမွာ ဘာသြားလုပ္မွာလဲ၊ ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာမွာလဲ၊ ဘယ္သူကတာ၀န္ယူလဲ စသျဖင့္ေမးတာအျပင္ လက္ထဲ မွာ ေငြဘယ္ေလာက္ရွိလဲ၊ ဘဏ္ကတ္ရွိလား၊ Visa, Master Cards ေတြ ရွိလားဆုိၿပီးလည္း ေမးပါ ေသးတယ္။ စာအုပ္ေတာင္ အခုမွ၀ယ္ၿပီး အတုကိုင္ထားပါတယ္ဆုိမွ ဘယ္လိုလုပ္ ဘဏ္ကတ္ရွိမွာလဲ။

ေအာ္စလုိက လူေတြမွာလို႔ ၀ယ္ထားတဲ့ စားစရာေတြက ေလးလံတဲ့ၾကားထဲ ဒီလုိအရစ္ပါခံလုိက္ရေတာ့ လူကေခြ်းျပန္ၿပီး အေတာ္ပုံပ်က္ပန္းပ်က္ျဖစ္သြားပါတယ္။ တျခားခရီးသည္ေတြကို ၃ မိနစ္ေလာက္နဲ႔ ကိစၥၿပီးသြားေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္အလွည့္မွာေတာ့ မီနစ္ ၃၀ မက ၾကာခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ေအာ္စလုိက လူေတြမွာလုိက္တဲ့ ပစၥည္းေတြကလည္း ၾကည့္ပါဦး။ ကန္ဇြန္းရြက္နဲ႔ ခ်ဥ္ေပါင္ရြက္ကုိ လတ္လတ္ ဆတ္ဆတ္ စားခ်င္လုိ႔တဲ့၊ အဲဒါခ်ည္းပဲ ၅ ကီလုိေလာက္ ရွိမယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ထမင္းအုိး အ ေသးေလး တလုံးပါ ယူလာေပးပါလုိ႔ မွာတဲ့သူကလည္း ရွိေသး။

Check In ၿပီးေတာ့ လ၀က လာၿပီ။ အဲဒီမွာမွ တကယ့္ျပႆနာ။ စာအုပ္ကို စကင္ေပၚတင္ မီးထြန္း ရွာေတာ့ ကပ္-ခြာ လုပ္ထားမွန္းသိသာေနတာေပါ့။ ေလာင္းထားတဲ့ ပလတ္စတစ္နဲ႔ အထဲက စာရြက္ ၾကားမွာ ေလဟာနယ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ပလတ္စတစ္က အတြန္႔အတြန္႔ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ အခုေနျပန္စဥ္းစားရင္ ေၾကာက္စရာ။ စာအုပ္အတုလုပ္မႈနဲ႔ အခ်ိန္မေရြးဖမ္းနုိင္တဲ့အေျခေနမ်ဳိး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ စာအုပ္ပဲြစားေတြနဲ႔ လ၀က ေတြၾကား အဆက္သြယ္ရွိပုံရပါတယ္။ ေမးခြန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေမး၊ Sign ထုိးခုိင္းၿပီးေနာက္မွာ ေတာ့ ''ပုိင္ ပုိင္'' နဲ႔ လြတ္လာျပန္ပါတယ္။

လ၀က က လြတ္ၿပီဆုိေတာ့မွ ေအာ္စလုိကလူေတြမွာထားတဲ့ အရက္ပုလင္းကုိ Duty Free ဆုိင္မွာ ေျပး၀ယ္ရျပန္ပါတယ္။ ေအာ္စလုိမွာ အရက္နဲ႔ေဆးလိပ္ ေစ်းႀကီးလြန္းလို႔ ဘန္ေကာက္ေနသြားသူတုိင္း ၀ယ္ သြားေပးေနၾကလို႔ဆုိပါတယ္။ ကုိယ့္အလွည့္က်မွ ၀ယ္မသြားလုိ႔ ဘယ္ေကာင္းမလဲ။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ဒီ ဆရာေတြက ဘန္ေကာက္ထြက္ အရက္ေတြကို ႀကိဳက္တာမဟုတ္။ တလုံး ၅၀၀ ကေန ၁၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ အထိေပးရတဲ့ Red တုိ႔ Black တုိ႔လုိ နာမည္ႀကီးေတြမွ ႀကိဳက္သတဲ့။

ေလယဥ္ထြက္ခ်ိန္က ည သန္းေခါင္္။ ေလေၾကာင္းလုိင္းက Fin air။ ပ်ံသန္းခ်ိန္က ၁၀ နာရီေက်ာ္။ ဖင္ လန္ၿမိဳ့ေတာ္ ဟယ္စကီကေနတဆင့္ ေနာက္တေန႔ ေန႔လယ္ေလာက္မွာ ေအာ္စလိုေလဆိပ္ဆီ ေရာက္ လာပါတယ္။ ဘန္ေကာက္ေလယဥ္ကြင္း လ၀က က အစစ္အေဆးမ်ားသေလာက္ ေအာ္စလိုေလယဥ္ ကြင္းမွာေတာ့ ဘာမွကုိအစစ္ေဆးမရွိပါ။ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳရွိသူေတြရဲ့အေျပာတုိင္းဆုိရင္ေတာ့ အေသခ်ာ စစ္မိလုိ႔ အတုမွန္းေပၚျပီးဖမ္းလုိက္ရရင္ မလႊဲမေရွာင္သာ သူ႔နုိင္ငံမွာ နုိင္ငံေရးခုိလံႈခြင့္ေပးရမွာစိုးလုိ႔ သိပ္မစစ္တာလုိ႔ဆုိပါတယ္။

အဲဒီလုိခ်ီးမြန္းခန္းဖြင့္လုိ႔မွ မၿပီးေသး။ အထုတ္အပုိးဆြဲၿပီး ေပါက္၀ေရာက္ခါနီးမွ ကာစတန္ အရာရွိက တားၿပီး ''မင္းအိပ္က ေလးလွခ်ည္လား။ ဘာေတြပါလဲ။ ဖြင့္ျပပါဦး'' လုိ႔ ရစ္ပါေလေရာ။ ထမင္းအုိးေတြ၊ ကန္ဇြန္းရြက္ေတြ၊ ငါးေျခာက္ေတြ၊ ငါးပိေထာင္းဗူးေတြကိုေတြ႔ေတာ့ ကာစတန္အရာရွိ အေတာ္စိတ္ ညစ္သြားပုံေပၚပါတယ္။ နွာေခါင္းကို လက္နဲ႔ပိတ္ၿပီး ''ဒါ ရုိးရာစားစရာေတြလား'' လုိ႔ ေျပာကာ ျပဳံးေန ပါတယ္။

ေအာ္စလုိမွာ ကားစပယ္ယာမရွိပါ

အဲဒီ ကာစတန္ဆီကအလြန္ ထြက္ေပါက္ေရာက္တာနဲ႔ DVB ရံုးမွ ၀ါရင့္၀န္ထမ္းတဦးက လာႀကဳိေန ပါတယ္။ ေအာ္စလုိျမင္ကြင္းက ဘန္ေကာက္နဲ႔ ဘာမွမဆုိင္။ ဟင္စကီကုိေရာက္ကတည္းက ဥေရာပရဲ့ အခင္းအက်င္းကုိ ေလယဥ္ကြင္းထဲကေန ေလ့လာၿပီးျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ အခုမွ တကယ့္ဥေရာပေျမကုိ ေျခနဲ႔ နင္းမိတဲ့ သေဘာပါ။


( DVB ေအာ္စလိုရံုးေစာင္း စတူဒီယုိ ျမင္ကြင္းတခု။ )

ရာသီဥတုက ခပ္စိမ့္စိမ့္ရွိေနၿပီး တခ်ဳိ႕ေနရာေတြမွာ ႏွင္းၾကြင္းႏွင္းက်န္ေတြရွိေနဆဲ။ ေမလဟာ ေအာ္စ လုိရဲ့ ေႏြဦးဆုိေပမယ့္ အပူပုိင္းေဒသကေန ေရာက္လာသူအတြက္ေတာ့ အေႏြးထည္လုိေနဆဲ။ ဘတ္ ေငြ ၁၀၀၀ ေပးၿပီး၀ယ္လာတဲ့ ဘန္ေကာက္ကအေႏြးထည္က ေအာ္စလုိမွာ အလုပ္ျဖစ္ပုံမေပၚ။ မ တတ္နုိင္၊ ရွိတဲ့အေႏြးထည္ကုိပဲ၀တ္ၿပီး ဘတ္စ္ကားေပၚတက္ဖုိ႔ ျပင္ရပါတယ္။ ေလယဥ္ကြင္းက ေအာ္ စလုိၿမိဳ့နဲ႔ ၁ နာရီနီးပါး ေ၀းတာေၾကာင့္ တကၠစီမငွားဘဲ ေလယဥ္ကြင္း ဘတ္စ္ကားကုိ စီးရပါတယ္။ ဘန္ေကာက္က အေ၀းေျပးဘတ္စ္ကားေတြလုိေကာင္းၿပီး ကားေအာက္ထပ္ ပစၥည္းထားတဲ့အခန္းက အေတာ္က်ယ္၀န္းပါတယ္။

ထူးထူးျခားျခား က်ေနာ္သတိထားမိတာက ဒီကားမွာ ကားစပယ္ယာမရွိပါ။ လက္မွတ္ေရာင္းတာေရာ၊ အထုပ္အပုိးေတြ ကားေပၚတင္တာေရာ အားလုံးကုိ ကားဆရာတဦးတည္းက ဒုိင္ခံလုပ္ေပးပါတယ္။ ကားေပၚကဆင္းရင္လည္း ပစၥည္းေတြကို ဒီကားဆရားကပဲ ကူခ်ေပးပါတယ္။ ''ကားခုိးစီးရင္ ဘယ္လုိ လုပ္မလဲ'' ဆုိၿပီးေမးၾကည့္ေတာ့ ''မပူနဲ႔ ဒီမွာ လက္မွတ္စစ္ရွိတယ္။ မိလုိ႔ကေတာ့ ဒဏ္ေၾကး ၁၀၀၀ နီးပါးေပးရတဲ့အျပင္ နာမည္ပ်က္စာရင္းပါ အသြင္းခံရမယ္'' လုိ႔ လာၾကိဳသူက ေျပာပါတယ္။

အင္း... ရန္ကုန္နဲ႔ ဘန္ေကာက္က ဘတ္စ္ကားေတြကိုသာစီးဖူးတဲ့ က်ေနာ့္အတြက္ေတာ့ ေအာ္စလုိက ဘတ္စ္ကားေတြဟာ အထူးအဆန္းပါပဲ။ ဘန္ေကာက္က ဘတ္စ္ကားေတြမွာဆုိရင္ စပယ္ယာက တဦး မက နွစ္ဦးေတာင္ရွိပါတယ္။ တရုတ္ျပည္မွာဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ကားဆရာနဲ႔စပယ္ယာအျပင္ ခရီးသည္ေတြကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္တဲ့ လုံျခံဳေရး၀န္ထမ္းတဦးပါ ကားေပၚပါေသးတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဥေရာပမွာေတာ့ လုပ္ အားခေစ်းႀကီးလြန္းလုိ႔လားမသိ။ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကုိ တတ္နုိင္သမွ်ေလ်ာ့ခ်ၿပီး CCTV အပါ၀င္ နည္းပညာ ပုိင္းနဲ႔ ျပန္ထိန္းထားတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္ေရာက္တဲ့ေန႔က နည္းနည္းေအးေနလုိ႔လားမသိပါ။ ေအာစလုိၿမိဳ့လယ္ လမ္းမေတြေပၚမွာ လူ သူ သိပ္မေတြ႔မိပါဘူး။ ဘန္ေကာက္ကေန ေရာက္လာသူတဦးအဖို႔ ေတာၿမိဳ့ေလးတခုကို ေရာက္လာသလုိ ခံစားမိပါတယ္။ ၿမိဳ့လယ္ကတရားရံုးအနီးရွိ ဟုိတယ္ၾကီးတခုရဲ့ေရွ့မွာ ကားေပၚကဆင္းလိုက္ၿပီး အဲဒီ ကားဂိတ္နဲ႔ သိပ္မေ၀းတဲ့လမ္းေထာင့္က ကုိေအးခ်မ္းႏုိင္တုိ႔ အခန္းကုိသြားပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခန္းမွာ အထုပ္ အပုိးေတြကိုထားခဲ့ၿပီး DVB ေအာ္စလုိရံုးခ်ဳပ္ဆီ ဆက္သြားမယ္လို႔ လမ္းျပကေျပာပါတယ္။

၃ ထပ္ေလာက္ တက္ျပီးခ်ိန္မွာ အခန္းက်ယ္တခုကိုေတြ႔ရျပီး အထဲမွာေတာ့ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြအိပ္တဲ့စတုိင္နဲ႔ လုပ္ထားတဲ့ နွစ္ထပ္ကုတင္တလုံး၊ ဆက္တီတစုံ၊ ျပီးေတာ့ ဖိြဳင္တြဲ မ်ဳိး စုံထည့္ထားတဲ့ ဖိြဳင္စင္ၾကီးတခု။ ဒီဖက္ ၀င္ေပါက္နားမွာေတာ့ မီးဖုိေခ်ာင္နဲ႔ ထမင္းစား စားပဲြတလုံး။ ျပီး ေတာ့ အိမ္သာနဲ႔ေရခ်ဳိးခန္း။ အိမ္သာနဲ႔ေရ ခ်ဳိးခန္းေလာက္ကုိသာအခန္းဖြဲ႔ထားျပီး က်န္ေနရာအားလုံး တေျပးတည္း၊ တခန္းတည္း။

က်န္တဲ့၀န္ထမ္းေတြကေတာ့ DVB ရံုးရဲ့အျခားတဖက္ St. Hanshaugen ေတာင္ကုန္ေလးအနီးက စုေပါင္းအိမ္ယာမွာ ေနၾကတယ္လို႔သိရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က DVB ၀န္ထမ္းေတြဟာ ေဒၚလာသုံးသိန္း လာဒ္စားဖုိ႔ေနေနသာ ကိုယ္ပုိင္အိမ္မ၀ယ္နုိင္ေသး၊ ကုိယ္ပုိင္အခန္းေတာင္ မငွားနုိင္ ေသးတဲ့အတြက္ ရံုးကငွားေပးထားတဲ့ အခန္းေတြမွာ စုျပံဳေနရ ၾကရဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အဲဒီအခန္းကေန DVB ရံုးဆီအသြားလမ္းမွာ ထူးထူးျခားျခားေနာက္ထပ္ေတြ႔ရတာက ဓတ္ရထားေတြ။ ရန္ကုန္မွာလဲ ကိုလုိနီေခတ္တုန္းက ဓာတ္ရထားေတြရွိတယ္လို႔ စာအုပ္ေတြထဲဖတ္ဖူးေပမဲ့ ကိုယ္တုိင္ တခါမွမျမင္ဖူးပါ။ ဒါဟာ ပထမဆုံး ဓာတ္ရထားကိုျမင္ဖူးျခင္းပါပဲ။ ျပီးေတာ့ ဒီက ဓတ္ရထားေတြ၊ ဘတ္ စ္ကားေတြ၊ ေျမေအာက္ရထားေတြ၊ ကူးတုိ႔သေဘာၤေတြ အားလုံးက ထြက္ခ်ိန္-၀င္ခ်ိန္ အတိအက်နဲ႔ ေျပးတာကလဲ က်ေနာ္အတြက္ အထူးအဆန္းပါပဲ။ ''အဲလုိအခ်ိန္အတိအက်မေျပးရင္ ဘတ္စ္ကား ေစာင့္ရင္းနဲ႔ လူေတြေအးျပီး ေသကုန္မွာေပါ့'' လုိ႔ DVB ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကေျပာျပၾကပါတယ္။

၁၀ မီနစ္ေလာက္လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ျပီးတဲ့အခါမွာေတာ့ သခ်ဳႋင္းကုန္းလုိလုိ၊ ပန္းျခံလုိလုိတခုရဲ့မ်က္နွာခ်င္း ဆုိင္ လမ္းက်ဥ္းက်ဥ္းေလးထဲက တံခါးေပါက္ က်ဥ္းက်ဥ္းေလးတခုဆီ ေရာက္လာပါတယ္။ ျပီးေတာ့ အလြန္ၾကီးမားတဲ့ ဓာတ္ေလွကားတခုကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ''ဓာတ္ေလွကားက ကားပါ တခါတည္းတင္ လုိ႔ရေအာင္ လုပ္ထားတာ'' လုိ႔ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကေျပာေတာ့ ေနာက္ေနတယ္လုိ႔ပဲ က်ေနာ္က ထင္ပါ တယ္။

တကယ္က သူတုိ႔ေနာက္ေနတာမဟုတ္။ DVB ရံုးရဲ့ေအာက္ထပ္မွာ ေရခ်ဳိးခန္းပစၥည္းေတြ၊ မီးဖုိးေခ်ာင္ ပစၥည္းေတြျပင္တဲ့ အလုပ္ရံုျဖစ္လုိ႔ ေလးလံတဲ့ပစၥည္းေတြ တင္-ခ် ဖုိ႔ ဒီဓာတ္ေလွကားကို တတ္ထားတာ ပါ။ အုိေဟာင္းေနတဲ့ အဲဒီဓာတ္ေလွကားအလြန္ တတိယ ထပ္မွာေတာ့ သစ္လြင္ခန္႔ညာားတဲ့ DVB ရံုးခန္းနဲ႔ NBC (ေနာ္ေ၀း-ျမန္မာေကာ္မတီ) ရံုးခန္းေတြကုိေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။

အသံလႊင့္ဖုိ႔ အလုပ္မ်ားေနတဲ့ၾကားကေန က်ေနာ္ကို ထြက္လာေတြ႔သူေတြကေတာ့ DVB ရံုးခ်ဳပ္တာ၀န္ ခံ ကိုေအးခ်မ္းႏုိင္၊ မသီတာ။ ျပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္လုိပဲ interim အျဖစ္ ဘန္ေကာက္ကေန ေအာ္စလုိရံုးဆီ က်ေနာ့္အရင္ တပတ္ေလာက္ေစာေရာက္ေနသူ ကုိမုိးေအး။ ေနာက္ ေရွ့ပုိင္းကသင္တန္းအခန္းမွာ တင္ ျပခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ အိႏၵိယဖက္ကေရာက္လာသူ ဆလုိင္းေလာ္မာနဲ႔ကုိေက်ာ္မုိး (သူတုိ႔ ၂ ဦးစလုံး ၂၀၀၀ ခုနွစ္ေနွာင္းပုိင္းမွာ အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ ကေနဒါဆီထြက္သြား)။ တခါ ထုိင္းဖက္ကေနေရာက္လာ သူေတြထဲမွ ကိုခင္ေမာင္ေလး (၂၀၀၀ ခုနွစ္ေနွာင္းပုိင္းမွာ အေမရိကန္နုိင္ငံဆီထြက္သြား)။

 ျပီးေတာ့ DVB ပထမ ၀န္ထမ္းအုပ္စုထဲမွလက္က်န္၀န္ထမ္းတဦးျဖစ္သူ စက္ဆရာ ကုိဖုိးခြားေခၚ ေစာနယ္ဆင္ကူးတုိ႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ထုိင္းဖက္ကေနေရာက္လာသူ ၀ုိင္းေတာ္ သားတဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ ကို၀င္းနုိင္ဦး (၂၀၀၁ အေစာပုိင္းမွာ DVB အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ မေက်မလည္ျဖစ္ျပီး RFA ဆီ ေျပာင္းသြား) ကေတာ့ အသံလႊင့္သတင္းေထာက္ သင္တန္းတက္ဖို႔ လန္ဒန္ ကို ေရာက္ ေနတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။        ။

Monday, May 12, 2014

Brief Histoy of DVB.


TELLING BURMA’S STORY FOR TWENTY YEARS

(www.dvb.no)


In July 19, 2012, the DVB turned twenty. There have been many ups and downs over those two decades, but we are proud to say that we have not only survived but also managed to become Burma’s most popular privately-run satellite TV station. We think that is worth a book to let people know how it all began, and how we grew. And we hope that people in other parts of the world would also be able to learn from our success as well as our mistakes.

But producing this book cannot be done without your participation. The DVB has always been the voice of the people of Burma, and we would also like to engage your help in celebrating our twentieth anniversary. We intend to post chapters of the book on this website, gradually to give you time to read them and contemplate what we have written. Then we would like to invite you to submit your own input. Is there anything that you think is weak, misleading or outright wrong in our account of the DVB’s history? Any events which need to be included, any important individual that we have overlooked but who should be mentioned?

We are also looking for photographs of the DVB’s various activities that you may have in your possession and would want to share with us. We cannot offer you any payment for this, but, if you wish, we will certainly include your name in the list of contributors to our book. You can also remain anonymous, if that is what you want.

Please send us your contributions, criticisms and other comments — and whatever pictures you may have — using the form below.

Bertil Lintner compiled and edited this book.







1. HOW IT ALL BEGAN

It was not the first time a group of Burmese set up a radio station to provide an alternative to the official, state-run broadcasting service. But it was clear that the potential was different when the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) first went on air on July 19,1992. Previously, various rebel groups had run their own clandestine radio stations. The Communist Party of Burma inaugurated its People’s Voice of Burma in March 1971, first transmitting from across the border in China and later via a new facility in the Wa Hills in northeastern Shan State. In the 1970s, non-communist anti-government forces allied with former prime minister U Nu maintained a radio station in the jungle somewhere along the Thai border in the east, but its broadcasts were irregular and the reception extremely poor. Karen rebels also had a transmitter for a short while in the early 1980s, but it fell silent when government forces began attacking their bases on the Thai border in 1983.
Young activists at the DVB's first studio on the Thai-Burma border, 1993
Young activists at the DVB's first studio on the Thai-Burma border, 1993
From the very beginning, the DVB was headquartered in safety in far-away Norway, and it was under the direct control of no particular armed resistance group. During the first years of its existence, however, the DVB was not free from interference from ethnic rebel armies based on the Thai border, especially the Karen National Union (KNU) whose headquarters housed the DVB’s first studio inside Burma. When it first started, the DVB also represented the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), which was made up of MPs who had been elected in the May 1990 general election, but who were then prevented from forming a new government and forced into exile.

But all that changed as the DVB gained experience and became more professional. In 2002, DVB broadcasts ceased mention of the station’s affiliation with the NCGUB, and, in 2006, officially declared its independence. The DVB became a properly registered Norwegian foundation, based in Oslo and subject to Norwegian laws. The DVB thus gained full editorial and administrative independence and its board members served in an individual capacity, not as representatives of any political group or faction.
By then, the DVB had also set up its own satellite TV station. It had gone into operation in 2005, and become an instant success wherever it could be received inside Burma.

2. HOW IT GREW

The DVB may be unique in many ways, but the Burmese broadcasters in Oslo did not, historically speaking, start from scratch when they launched it in 1992. Burma has actually a long and proud tradition of a free media. The country’s first newspaper, the English-language Maulmain Chronicle, appeared in 1836 in the city of Moulmein in then British-held Tenasserim. It was followed in 1853 by the Rangoon Chronicle. The first Burmese-language newspaper, Yadana-bon Nay-pyi-daw (with the heading “Mandalay Gazette” in English on the front page) was established in Mandalay in independent Burma in 1874 as the official organ of the kingdom.

The year before the launch of the paper, King Mindon enacted a law consisting of 17 articles to guarantee freedom of the press stating that the media is for “the benefit of the citizens to hear general news from Europe, India, China, and Siam for enriching the thoughts and improving their trade and communication.” This act is believed to be Southeast Asia’s first indigenous press freedom law.

At an official meeting at the palace in Mandalay, the king also bestowed immunity on the local press corps: “If I do wrong, write about me. If the queens do wrong, write about them. If my sons and daughters do wrong, write about them. If the judges and mayors do wrong, write about them. No one shall take action against the journalists for writing the truth. They shall go in and out of the palace freely.”

During the British colonial period, which lasted until independence in 1948, Burma had dozens of newspapers in Burmese, English, Chinese, and several Indian languages. Periodicals were also printed in Burma’s minority languages. Among the most outspoken newspapers—which lent support to the Burmese nationalist movement—were the Burmese language Thuriya (the Sun) and Myanma Alin (the New Light of Burma). The latter was founded in 1914 and for years it was managed by U Tin, who became a minister in independent Burma’s first government, led by U Nu, in 1948.
Early days in the Oslo studio
Early days in the Oslo studio
Burma’s rapid media development in the 19th and 20th centuries can best be explained against the background of its rich intellectual traditions. The country has always had a high literacy rate and education has been a source of national pride since pre-colonial days. At the age of seven or eight, every Burmese boy was sent to the local monastery to learn to read, and write, and to memorise Buddhist chants and Pali formulas used in pagoda worship. Education was less universal for girls but, even so, the census for Burma in 1872 stated that “female education was a fact in Burma before Oxford was founded.” This long and strong tradition of widespread literacy was further enhanced with the introduction of British-style education during the colonial era.


3. THE DVB GOES TELEVISUAL

In early 2005, DVB decided to take a bold step, which no non-governmental media organisation in Burma, and perhaps in the world, had ever done before: to launch its own satellite television station. Many were sceptical and thought the idea was too ambitious and some even said it was unrealistic. Short-wave radio was one thing, but television? But Burmese journalists in exile in Norway and Thailand were determined to make it work. A young couple, Tin Ko Ko and Sandar Lin, who had some experience of working for Myawady Television, a military-run television network based in Rangoon whose entertainment programmes were quite popular, took part and shared their experiences with some of the Burmese who previously had worked only with DVB radio. DVB TV would probably never have been as successful as it has become without the hard work that Tin Ko Ko and Sandar Lin put in during its first year of operation. Additional training was provided by professional cameramen and news anchors from AsiaWorks Television, a leading independent media company based in Bangkok.

In May 2005, the trainees were ready—and the DVB began telecasting from London via satellite. The timing was perfect. DVB TV was launched when Burmese were beginning to have the possibility of having satellite dishes to receive international TV stations. At first, people could buy satellite dishes but they had to be registered through a cumbersome process. But despite the rigidity of the laws surrounding the possession of satellite dishes, sales exploded in the early 2000s. Officially, 200,000 people registered their equipment during the first years of satellite TV access in the country, while many more dishes were acquired on the black market. The number of people watching international stations was even higher as many tea- and coffee shop owners had satellite TV services installed in their establishments to attract customers. It became an instant success, which ushered in a new era in the Burmese media landscape.

DVB TV was popular from the very beginning, but the main breakthrough came when the monks’ movement swept across Burma in September 2007. The DVB’s clandestine network of reporters and stringers covered the events from the very beginning, deploying both old and new media to inform the people in Burma about the uprising. DVB reporters shot footage on hidden digital cameras and sent it over the border to the DVB office in Thailand, or over the Internet to headquarters in Norway. Photographs and video footage shot by DVB reporters and even ordinary citizens on mobile phones were also uploaded onto the Web and sent to Oslo headquarters, which, in turn, edited the material into radio and television reports to be broadcast back into Burma.

While DVB’s shortwave radio and satellite TV broadcasts reached a significant portion of the population in Burma, it was the first time the Internet—and blogs—played a crucial role in broad and timely reporting of a major event inside the country. Bloggers, who were in touch with the DVB, found innovative ways to circumvent government restrictions and to send out updates throughout the protests. Meanwhile, the DVB made its coverage available on the Web, where it was picked up by the BBC, CNN, Deutsche Welle, Al Jazeera and other international news networks. Even when Burma’s only two Internet service providers were disabled between September 29 and October 4, 2007 at the height of the protests, DVB reporters on the ground were able to send their coverage to Oslo via their own satellite hook-up.

All along, the DVB cooperated closely with international news agencies and television networks as none could match its network on the ground in Burma. Reporters Without Borders stated in a November 2010 report: “Representatives of the three leading international news agencies, the Associated Press, Reuters and Agence France-Presse, representatives of three international TV stations, the BBC, France 24 and Al Jazeera, and a dozen journalists and international production companies confirmed to Reporters Without Borders that they had used the DVB’s help in covering the situation in Burma. The forms of assistance have ranged from access to its archives, use of its video for international distribution, preparation and production of a report, putting the international media in contact with members of its network in Burma or Thailand, or just providing information.”


4. NOT ONLY HARD NEWS AND HOT SCOOPS

Like all other radio (and TV) stations in the world, the DVB has all along also offered its listeners and viewers not only news, scoops, political debates and analyses but also songs, music and other kinds of entertainment. And like everything else with the DVB, its entertainment programmes started on a very modest scale and, like its other broadcasts in the beginning, the tune was very political. Students in rebel camps along the eastern border recorded their songs on tapes which were mailed to Norway from post offices in Thailand. Other songs were recorded inside Burma or in exile, such as Ma Ma Aye’s very popular number about a man who had left his home village for his beliefs in justice. Listeners could draw parallels with the students who had gone to the border to take up arms against Burma’s then military government.

Other popular songs were old patriotic jingles from World War II and the independence movement, while the famous Kachin singer Dennis Mun Awng’s songs about more contemporary subjects were also well-liked, especially among the young. Born in Kachin State in 1960, Mun Awng first became popular in the 1980s. He joined the August 1988 uprising and was among those thousands of dissidents who fled to the Thai-Burmese border after the crackdown on September 18 and the formation of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, SLORC. Five years later, in 1993, he arrived in Norway to begin working for the DVB.

With singers like Mun Awng on the air, the popularity of the DVB’s entertainment programmes increased and listeners also began sending in their requests for songs they wanted to hear. Another singer and also actress, May Sweet, was also popular but her melodies were considerably less political. She left Burma for the United States in the late 1990s, married a Burmese-American from New York and settled in Delaware. But she continues to perform for Burmese expatriate audiences around the world. The DVB’s entertainment editor, Thida Thin Myat Thu, acted as Master of Ceremonies when May Sweet gave a concert in London ten years ago.

Programmes playing requested songs, however, served another purpose than broadcasting popular songs just for the sake of entertainment. Following the 1988 uprising and subsequent upheavals, many families were separated and people who had been friends in the cities and towns lost touch with each other. Parents requested songs for their children, and children who had made it to third countries as refugees requested songs for their mothers and fathers to let them know where they were. Boyfriends requested songs for lost girlfriends and vice versa. Many people were reconnected in this way, and the DVB also helped them re-establish contact with each other.

While Burmese singers, whether political or not, made it possible for the DVB to reach a wider audience, the broadcasting station in Oslo also helped some in their careers. One of them is Lashio Thein Aung, who lives in Texas and was very popular in the 1970s. The DVB can claim credit for re-discovering him and bringing him back to the Burmese music scene. In 2005, the DVB contacted him and he was happy to be able to sing for his own home audience again. Lashio Thein Aung can claim to be Burma’s only genuine Texas cowboy and country and western singer - and the response from listeners was overwhelming when the DVB began broadcasting his songs. Today, his various performances are also available on YouTube, among them his tribute to Aung San Suu Kyi on her 65th birthday:

He sang Ahmay Ta Khu Thar Ta Khu (A Dedicated Song to Mom) and Mone Mone Mae Mae (Are You Leaving Me Alone?), songs from the 1970s, on stage in the United States against a backdrop of National League for Democracy (NLD) and US national flags, a Buddhist banner - and a portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi. Lashio Thein Aung himself, sporting an embroidered black shirt and a cowboy hat, drew thunderous applause from his enthusiastic audience.

For a younger audience, the DVB became a platform for more modern singing styles such as rap and hip-hop. Young Burmese were quick to embrace rap and hip-hop - perhaps because the style was quite akin to traditional Burmese thangyat. Also sung in a staccato manner and often with a satirical message, thangyat has been performed for centuries during thingyan, or Buddhist New Year, which falls in mid-April.

After the 1988 uprising especially, thangyat became a way in which many Burmese could express their frustrations with political hardships as well as economic difficulties, often in a humorous manner. Perhaps not surprisingly, the authorities banned thangyat when thingyan was celebrated, although in April 2012 it was permitted once again. Among the thangyat performers in Mandalay in 2012 were the popular Moustache Brothers, a trio of local comedians - Pa Pa Lay, U Lu Zaw, and Lu Maw – distinguished by their impressive whiskers.

The DVB’s news service on the web reported on April 12, 2012:
“Thangyat performances, a traditional music that accompanies New Year’s Thingyan Water Festival, is now legal in Burma.

The historic art is a cornerstone in the country’s New Year celebrations, where singers dance and engage in “call and response” anthems, while joking about the events of the past year. However, Thangyat performances had been officially suppressed for three decades by several laws that were aimed at preventing citizens from assembling and chanting slogans. Mandalay-based writer Sue Hngat says Thingyan and Thangyat are inseparable: “It’s been over 30 years – Thingyan and Thangyat are the two things that cannot be separated because Thingyan is for the people and it should be free for all and should not be monopolised by any individual or a group. This also applies to Thangyat to an extent,” To celebrate its return, Mandalay-based comedian Pa Pa Lay of the Moustache Brothers said the group will perform Thangyat songs on a float during the parades in Mandalay. According to the moustached comedian, the troupe will perform satirical numbers that address the country’s education, health, economy and judicial sectors. “The people of Mandalay have been waiting to hear Thangyat again so Pa Pa Lay is organising the performance together with his other comedian friends,” said Lu Maw, Pa Pa Lay’s brother and fellow moustached brother, Mandalay based writers including Soe Aung, Khin Aung Wint and San Win Shein and some poets are also organising their own Thangyat performances during the festival."

Among the younger hip-hop singers and rappers, MFG, or the Myanmar Future Generation, was more overtly political. They sang about what it’s like to be in prison, why the people should stay united and how younger people can learn from older activists. Some hip-hop artists like Anegga Tweezy and Zayar Thaw, were already popular when the DVB began broadcasting their performances, but the DVB nevertheless helped promote them and gave them an outlet at a time when the government-controlled media refused to play their songs.

5. LESSONS LEARNED AND VISION OF THE FUTURE

This is the chapter where we need your input the most. Only you can tell us what you think has been learned from our twenty years of operation, and what you believe our future should be. We have made a list of mistakes and successes which we think have characterised the development of the DVB since its inception in 1992. We hope this will be a good start, and encourage you to send us your thoughts and comments. We would appreciate it if you could elaborate on the points below.

Mistakes

1. DVB started with a loose structure and poor equipment, and the first broadcasters lacked journalistic skills.
2. Also in the beginning, we did not get much feedback from listeners, and, on our part, we did not conduct proper listener surveys and do other research that was needed to improve the quality of our broadcasts.
3. We lacked training in professional journalism.
4. In the early years, we failed to recruit professional media persons to work with us.
5. In the beginning, there were also too many stakeholders and political factions that tried to influence, and even control, our broadcasts.
6. Thus, it was several years before we could become independent. There was also too much secrecy surrounding our work, and almost no transparency in our operations.
7. The signal was very weak.
8. It has been difficult to work effectively because we have had operations in Burma as well as in Thailand and Norway. It has not always been easy to coordinate the efforts of our various operational sites.
9. The funding was very uncertain in the beginning, and we are still almost totally dependent on international donors.
10. We have had no proper plan for generating income and becoming financially independent.

Successes

1. There has always been a strong commitment on the part of our employees and volunteers. Everyone has been ready to work under circumstances which often have been extremely difficult.
2. We have always been flexible and willing to adopt changes.
3. Our bureaucracy has been minimal compared to other, commercially-run media organisations.
4. Our operations have always been very cost effective.
5. A major asset has been the fact that we have different outlets: radio, TV and the web.
6. We have also been quick to acquire and use modern technology.
7. We have had tremendous support from loyal listeners and viewers inside the country. This has made it easy for our extensive network of reporters inside the country to gather news and other information.
8. In fact, listeners have felt that they “own” the DVB; it’s “their” broadcasting station and “their” TV.
9. Unlike other broadcasting stations, the DVB has always been run exclusively by people of various nationalities from Burma. That has also given us a multi-ethnic profile that most other broadcasting stations lack.
10. As soon as we became independent of political factions, we were able to work together with international media organisations - for our mutual benefit.



A RADIO AND A BOOK

If asked, when leaving this world, what I would like to take with me, I would answer without hesitation: a radio and a book to read. That is the present day situation. In the past, apart from school textbooks, I didn't know what radio was, let alone read novels from the book shelves.
Only on 19 July 1947, did I first hear the word “radio”
While rice was being prepared for breakfast, Ko Ko Gyi in a highly agitated state and told my father that General Aung San and U Razak were dead. They had been shot. When mother asked where he had heard this news, Ko Ko Gyi answered “I heard it from the radio in U Nyein Maung’s house and people are gathering there.”
Although I knew that radio was something important, I could not imagine what it looked like. There was only one radio in the village.

I have listened to radio

Two years later, we ended up in Bago as war refugees. I heard the sound of a radio a house away. Although I tried to hear it from the window, it wasn’t very clear. “That is the Voice of Burma,” Ko Ko Gyi told me.
The house I lived in had been confiscated by an army artillery battalion and we had to study in a bamboo lean-to constructed at the edge of the school compound. There were clashes about 15 miles away from Bago. The voice of the army still existed and the main speaker was a Major Ba Ko, I was told by adult radio listeners.

I have seen radio

When I was in eighth grade at school, my friend Ba Myint, the son of a wealthy man made rich by the army, took me to his house, where there was a radio. It was reporting on a divisional football match and I heard noisy shouts and laughter. Many people who came to listen also laughed.  When Sagaing goalkeeper Boe Thar Bay caught shots by Shan State’s Vah Doom the listeners clapped and I applauded with them.
Then Ba Myint said that it is good only when listening to songs and I did not agree. In my eye, I only saw beautiful radio and in my ear, I only heard Vaha Doo and Boe Thar Bay.
So my first experience of listening to the radio was happy and amusing.

University and radio

In 1953, I was admitted to Rangoon University with the support of the Muslim Central Fund Trust and stayed in Thaton hostel. I regularly listened to the radio at Thahaya and in reading rooms and heard programmes from the Burma Broadcasting Service, BBS (or myanma athan, the Voice of Burma in Burmese). When the radio was switched off at 8 pm I went with friends to listen in at a tea shop. Foreign broadcasts could be heard frequently at Ta-Ka-Tha building, Although now a keen radio listener, I never once dreamed that I would one day be a broadcaster.

Acceptance at the Burma Broadcasting Service, BBS

0n 17 October 1959, I got a position at BBS as an assistant technician for recording and broadcasting. I wasn’t on the programming staff, so I didn’t work at the studio but at a transmission station using an emergency studio.
You could call it a personal programme of General Ne Win's interim government’s psychological warfare department, using the equipment of the Voice of Burma. Although the BBS’s engineering department appointed us, I was not very pleased with the fact that our salary was paid by the psychological department.

FROM ACTIVIST TO JOURNALIST - 20 Years On (1992-2012)

The DVB was founded by four student activists (three men and a woman) in their early twenties who had never worked in a radio station before. Their studio was a tiny room in a Norwegian NGO office. On a shoestring budget, they had to start broadcasting with only two cassette recorders and a microphone.
The DVB has a unique history and, in the beginning, each day was a struggle. There was no time for apprenticeship until I joined them in 1996 at the invitation of the then director Daw Khin Pyone. There were teething problems and tantrums. Some of the staffers who had no interest in the radio business found themselves in a situation that they had not intended. During this crucial period, the present DVB director was able to attend a journalism course in the Welsh city of Cardiff.

Since then it, has become almost customary for the DVB to send its newsroom staff to the Cardiff School of Journalism. This broke new ground and set the DVB apart from the programs offered by the major international broadcasting stations, where scripting was done by English speaking central staff who were typically less familiar with the local conditions in the countries to which they were broadcasting.  By early 1997, the DVB was able to set up its own five-room office with a soundproofed studio in the basement of The Triangle Hotel in Oslo.

We worked from dawn to dusk, earning only a paltry sum. Since it was like a big family, we also had a fair share of family quarrels. But we all were happy. I found myself doing a job that I really enjoyed while my dependable wife took care of our home in London. She was my rock. Had it not been for her my sojourn in Oslo would have been out of the question. I was in Oslo for two years and worked from London as a consultant for a further four years.

One of the most important aspects of the DVB’s development from an amateur to professional level was the transformation of the routine news bulletin. While starting subscribing to Reuters and AFP news agencies, the DVB was able to develop its own house style during this phase.  Most of the DVB journalists had started as “stringers"”who faxed the Oslo newsroom their reports on the events in the area they covered. Their material was written up for the news readers to deliver but their voices were never heard on the air. In fact, the DVB's daily 25 minute broadcast was constructed around news output, with about a half of its daily transmission time taken up with news, news analysis, and commentaries.

Although the DVB has always recognized the importance of the regular announcers in providing a 'spine' to the daily program, some of the DVB broadcasters have become all-rounders because of a shortage of skilled manpower.  Thus, a DVB broadcaster could be an editor, a producer, a newsreader, a presenter and a reporter all rolled into one.

Soon, the station began broadcasting in some ethnic languages. The DVB also functioned as a surrogate free radio, giving dissident organizations outlets for their views which unavailable in any other forum.  In the early days, the DVB programs were occasionally jammed by the SLORC military regime.  Later the military regime seemed to have put more emphasis upon its own broadcasting business than upon jamming the broadcasts of others, having realized that jamming was expensive, rarely effective and merely made people want to listen to what was so important as to merit being censored in this way.

During this period a network of freelancers, stringers and reporters was established, along with the DVB regional bureaus in India and Thailand.  It was found that the DVB had brought new challenges and new opportunities to many young activists. They now knew how to place greater emphasis on the professional journalistic values of factual and impartial reporting and on separating news from commentary and advocacy. The DVB website was also created during this period and one young woman was sent to London on a DVB scholarship to study computer science for a year.


SCOOP!!

One of the DVB’s most controversial - and celebrated - documentaries was “Burma’s Nuclear Ambition”. It created a sensation when it was aired in June 2010 by television news network al-Jazeera. A US congressman, Jim Webb, had to postpone his planned visit to Burma, questions were raised in Washington, and wires services all over the world did reports based on the DVB’s investigations. In the end, the controversy prompted even the Burmese government to announce that it has abandoned its nuclear programme, and stopped buying military-related equipment from North Korea, as shown in these two reports from 2012. However, the Reuters dispatch from Singapore says that some reports had suggested that Burma had obtained nuclear technology from North Korea; the DVB never made that claim in the documentary. The DVB showed how the Burmese military had sent officers for training in nuclear-related subjects in Russia, and said that parts of their missile programme and conventional weapons came from North Korea.

Myanmar abandons nuclear research: defense minister
SINGAPORE (Reuters) 2.06.12 - Myanmar has abandoned research on a nuclear program that never progressed very far, and has stepped back from close military and political ties with North Korea, the Southeast Asian country's defense minister said on Saturday.News reports two years ago indicated Myanmar obtained technology for enriching uranium from North Korea along with parts for a nuclear weapons program. The reports were based on interviews with an army major who was involved in the program and defected with files he said documented the project. "We have already said very clearly it was not for defense, it was not for weapons, it was just research in the past," the defense minister, Lieutenant General Hla Min, said at the Shangri-La Dialogue, an annual security forum in Singapore attended by senior regional civilian and military leaders.

South Korea: Myanmar Pledges To Stop Buying North’s Weapons
By CHOE SANG-HUN. AP. 15.06.12 - South Korea has received assurances from Myanmar that it will no longer buy weapons from North Korea, an aide to President Lee Myung-bak said Tuesday. President Thein Sein of Myanmar acknowledged that his country had bought conventional weapons from the North over the past 20 years but vowed in a meeting with Mr. Lee in the Burmese capital on Monday to end the practice, said the aide, Kim Tae-hyo. Mr. Thein Sein also indicated Tuesday that Myanmar had not pursued the development of nuclear arms and vowed to honor a United Nations Security Council resolution that bans countries from activities that could assist North Korea’s missile programs, Mr. Kim said.


DVB HEROES

THE DVB’S HALL OF FAME: HONOURING THOSE WHOSE DEDICATION TO TELLING THE WORLD THE TRUTH ABOUT BURMA SHOULD BE REMEMBERED
Over the years, many DVB journalists have been arrested by the authorities simply for reporting news to the Burmese public and the outside world. We cannot disclose all of them because several were working undercover for the DVB, but we would like to honour five of our journalists whose cases were taken up by international human rights and press freedom advocacy groups and, therefore, their association with the DVB became known.
Hla Hla Win, alias Doe Doe
Gender: Female
Date of birth: August 29, 1984
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: University, 2nd year Economics Occupation: DVB video journalist teacher
Arrested: September 11, 2009
Sentenced: December 21, 2009; 27 years. Was kept in Kathar prison, northeastern Sagaing Region
Released: January 13, 2012

Hla Hla Win was first arrested in September 2009, close to the anniversary of the 2007 monk-led uprising, and sentenced to seven years imprisonment. She had been detained under the Import/Export Act for using an unregistered motorbike. The arrest took place as she was returning from a DVB reporting assignment in Pakokku township, Magwe division, where she had conducted interviews with Buddhist monks in a local monastery.

Her assistant, Myint Naing, was also arrested, and eventually given a 26-year sentence. During the first weeks of her seven year sentence, she was interrogated and eventually admitted to being a DVB reporter. On December 20, 2009  her jail term was extended by 20 years for violating the Electronics Act, which prohibits downloading or uploading data from the internet that is considered damaging to the security of the military regime. This is a tactic often used by the regime to imprison video reporters. She was handed a further 20 years and offered no legal representative. Hla Hla Win first joined the DVB as an undercover reporter in December 2008. She played an active role in covering issues considered sensitive to the government, including the local reaction to the controversial trial in 2009 of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

In 2010, Hla Hla Win received the Kenji Nagai Memorial Award, along with fellow DVB reporter Win Maw, an honour bestowed on Burmese journalists in memory of the Japanese photojournalist shot and killed by government troops while covering the September 2007 monk-led uprising. She was also a volunteer teacher working in monastic education centres, and a leading organiser of community movements along with her colleagues. She was also an active member of the NLD (Youth) from Thanhyin township in Rangoon.

Win Maw alias Mawgyi, Japan Gyi, Ko Shwe
Gender: Male
Date of birth: September 5, 1962
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: University, 2nd year
Occupation: DVB, video journalist, musician and composer
Arrested: November 27, 2007
Sentenced: November 11, 2008/March 5, 2009; 17 years. Was kept in Kyaukphyu prison, Arakan State.
Released: January 13, 2012

In March 2009, award-winning journalist Win Maw was sentenced to 10 years in jail. He was already 18 months into a seven-year sentence on charges of breaching the Immigration Act when the additional decade was added. During a raid on his house in early 2009 whilst he was detained, police had found disk full of data destined for DVB. They then begun an investigation into his activities as a VJ. His family said that he was beaten and tortured during the early stages of his detention, with interrogators reportedly “waterboarding” him and breaking his nose.  The authorities accused him of being the “mastermind” behind the DVB’s in-country news coverage of the September 2007 monk-led uprising. His jail term was subsequently extended under the Electronics Act, which allows for harsh prison sentences for using electronic media to send information outside the country without government approval. A prominent singer and songwriter, Win Maw began working for the DVB in 2003, one year after he was released from his first spell in prison for composing pro-democracy songs. He has also composed music for the DVB, as well as passing on photos and videos from opposition groups such as the NLD and 88 Generation Students. He took part in many of their campaigns and activities as an organizer on top of his role as a DVB reporter.
Win Maw, who was held in Kyaukphyu prison in Burma’s western Arakan state, received the Imprisoned Artist Prize in 2008, the Kenji Nagai Memorial Award in 2010 along with another arrested DVB reporter Hla Hla Win, and the prestigious Freedom to Create award for jailed artists in 2011.

Ngwe Soe Lin alias Htun Kyaw, “T”
Gender: Male
Date of birth: May 26, 1981
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: High school
Occupation: DVB video journalist
Arrested: June 26, 2009
Sentenced: January 27, 2010; 13 years. Was kept in Insein prison, Rangoon
Released: January 13, 2012

Ngwe Soe Lin was arrested by military intelligence on June 26, 2009 along with a friend in an internet café in Rangoon. After spending several weeks at the Aungthabyay interrogation centre, he was sent to Insein prison. Seven months later, on January 27, 2010, a special military court attached to Insein prison sentenced him to 13 years in prison on charges related to the Electronics and Immigration Acts. The following month, on February 18, he was sent to Lashio prison in northern Shan state. Ngwe Soe Lin joined the DVB in early 2008 and reported from around the country. He played a vital role in recording the lives of children left orphaned by cyclone Nargis in 2008. His video records were turned into a Channel 4 documentary, “Orphans of Burma’s Cyclone”, for which he received the prestigious Rory Peck Award 2009, honouring cameramen working in dangerous environments. He was awarded this whilst in detention.

Sithu Zeya alias Sargalay
Gender: Male
Date of birth: January 16, 1990
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: Bachelor degree, university
Occupation: DVB video journalist
Arrested: April 14, 2010
Sentenced: December 21, 2010; 8 years; then 10 more years on November 7, 2011.
Was kept in Insein prison, Rangoon, and in Henzada prison, Irrawaddy Region - Released: January 13, 2012

In April 2010, a series of grenade blasts rocked Rangoon during tingyan, the traditional New Year water festival. Sithu Zeya photographed images of the aftermath from a location near the banks of Kandawgyi Lake in Rangoon. The 21-year-old was arrested shortly after, and interrogated for five days. During this period he was tortured and denied food for two days, and in December 2010 sentenced to eight years imprisonment under the Immigration Act and Unlawful Association Act. The verdict on Sithu Zeya’s case was based on informal confessions resulting from the torture he suffered during interrogation. His charges stem from the Burmese government’s press laws, which targeted media workers judged to have passed on material to exiled news outlets. Sithu Zeya was forced to reveal under torture that his father, U Zeya, also served as an undercover DVB reporter. U Zeya is now serving a 13-year sentence. Sithu Zeya was sentenced to an additional ten years in prison on November 7, 2011, a few days after an amnesty that saw 230 political prisoners released. However, he was released ion January 13, 2012.

Maung Maung Zeya alias U Zeya, Ko Hnyat Kyee
Gender: Male
Date of birth: November 24, 1953
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: University graduate
Occupation: DVB writer, artist
Arrested: April 16, 2010
Sentenced: February 6, 2011; 13 years. Was kept in Hsipaw prison, Shan State
Released: January 13, 2012
U Zeya was arrested at his home in Rangoon on April 16, 2010, shortly after his son Sithu Zeya had been arrested for taking photos of the water festival bombings in Rangoon. Sithu had reportedly confessed to his father being a DVB reporter after days of torture. The father had led a team of DVB VJs inside Burma. His lawyer said after the trial that the only witnesses in the closed prison court were police. The trial ended in February 2011 and he was sentenced to 13 years in prison under the Immigration Act, Unlawful Associations Act, and Electronics Act. First arrested in 1976 for participating in a students’ strike, U Zeya has a long history of political activism. Under the pen name Thargyi Maung Zeya, he has also written poems and articles in a number of Burmese magazines and journals.
...........................................



http://www.dagsavisen.no/nyemeninger/alle_meninger/cat1002/subcat1023/thread288918/

Last week in Norway for Burma's radio
Published 2 hours ago - 132 Views Post

Media House Democratic Voice of Burma has her last week in Oslo. Since 1992, they sent uncensored news to the country of Norway . Now they travel home .

Why has Norway and Burma so closely linked ? Why Norway was the first country outside Asia as Aung San Suu Kyi visited after she was released ? The main reason is of course the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. A close second is the radio station Democratic Voice of Burma. The radio station has sent uncensored news to Burma since 1992 , and has long since become a media of television , radio and internet. For 21 years they produced broadcasts from Oslo. They have helped to create a unique interest in Burma in Norway . That they have now opened an office in Yangon in Burma is an indicator that the reforms have allowed for media and independent organizations in Burma. It is too early to determine whether reforms in Burma actually ends in a real democracy and freedom of expression ensures that the media's right to criticize without fear of reprisal . But the last three years has made the DVB took a chance . The main office is now in Thailand, but the media house has an office in Burma, which is growing . The dream has always been to return home and become a media in Burma for his people . Today this dream close to fruition.

Before 1991, Norway and Burma little in common . Norway was the first Secretary General of the UN. Burma had the third. A historical curiosity is that the Norwegian-registered vessel Hai Lee brought Aung San from Rangoon to China 1940. The journey finally ended in Japan, which is considered the starting point of the Burmese struggle for independence from the British colonists . The relationship between Norway and Burma took a new course when Rafto Prize in 1990 was awarded the liberation hero's daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi , who after demonstrations in 1988 quickly became the foremost symbol of democracy and human rights in Burma. Nobel Committee went on to award her the Nobel Peace Prize the following year, after intense lobbying from Burma Committee and Rafostiftelsen , with Vaclav Havel as a good ally. In the course of six years, the Norwegian authorities , in close cooperation with Burma Committee and Worldview got a Burmese radio station on the legs . The importance of this work can hardly be overestimated .

The history of radio station Democratic Voice of Burma is worth a few lines . It is worth a book. The radio station was through an intense collaboration between Burma Committee Hallvard Kare Kuloy , Worldview International's Arne Fjørtoft and Ministry of Foreign Affairs Jan Egeland . Broadcast Manager at NRK, Einar Forde, was asked to spare a few frequencies to the Burmese news channel to send Burmese news via shortwave from Kvitsøy outside Stavanger. The case had up at government level for a clarification. Burmese students were in a short time course in journalism in the border area between Thailand and Burma. Four young Burmese were flown to Oslo to establish the channel, and came in contact with one of the very few Burmese living in Norway . The start was partly financed by loans from the owner of Texburger , where Maung Maung Myint worked part-time , and student loans from the same Burmese dentistry student. The budget was 21 000. 19th July 1992 DVB went on air for the first time. Recorded tapes were sent by mail to Kvitsøy outside Stavanger, and arrived just in time for the first radio broadcast. The entire process , from idea to broadcast , it took more than half a year, which must be unique in Norwegian administrative history.

To run a news channel depending on the postal service in Norway is of course a challenge. The news may at times be read before they happened , and sometimes went wrong . In 1993, the regime launched a constitution preparatory meeting , but immediately chose to delay the process indefinitely . DVB had already recorded the novelty of Oslo and the program was headed in the postal service . What do you do when the news turned out to vote ? Reporters jumped on the first flight to Stavanger , overtook postal service , and managed to correct the pre-recorded element . A local technician hint about how the Burmese reporters could turn on the phones , and send transmissions via phone . Creative engineering meant that it is now able to produce broadcasts after the news happened , not before. There was a small revolution , several years before verdensvevens age.

There have been many dark years since 1992. To listen to DVB in Burma was until recently strictly prohibited and punishable by imprisonment . Journalists in Burma have risked everything to disseminate news about what actually happened in one of the world's most brutal dictatorships . Under Safranrevolusjonene in 2007 , which was led by Burmese monks were journalists from DVB documenting how the regime put down on peaceful demonstrators , with lives at stake . There are only six years ago. No one should believe that the struggle for democracy has ended. The road to democracy has just begun . The reforms are the result of DVB and other brave frihetselskeres struggle for democracy. DVB need all the support they can get to continue to be an alternative to propaganda . It is alive and well . To create a democratic culture, and real freedom of the press , take time in a country that is used to let the weapons do the talking . The new media law limits the scope for cross- publish content on television, radio and online . Media freedom for newspapers is of course very important, but so is the radio and television that reaches out to people across the country. Democratic Voice of Burma has never been more important and never been vulnerable. Thus continued support has never been more critical.

At the Burmese journalists now heading to Burma gives reason for hope , while it is a little sad to lose a key vote in Burmese Norwegian public. DVB is a product of Norwegian support for the Nobel Peace Prize. Meanwhile, much of the Norwegian Burma involvement resulting from DVB . So thank you for 21 great years in Norway and good trip to Burma. It is now the beginning .

Audun Aagre is CEO of Burma Committee

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