Wednesday, April 24, 2013

တုိင္းရင္းသားမီဒီယာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီတြင္ ပါ၀င္ခြင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးမည္


Dawei Watch| ရန္ကုန္ ၊ ဧျပီ ၂၄

(အစိုးရျပန္ၾကားေရးဌာနနဲ႔ အတုိက္ခံ DVB သတင္းဌာနတုိ႔ ပူးတြဲက်င္းပတဲ့ ရန္ကုန္က စီမီနာတခု)

စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီတြင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား မီဒီယာကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ပါ၀င္ခြင့္ကို ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္ က်င္းပသည့္ တုိင္းရင္းမီဒီယာညီလာခံတြင္ ေဆြးေႏြးသြားမည္ဟု ညီလာခံျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေရး ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ ဦးမင္းမင္းႏြယ္က ေျပာသည္။

မြန္ျပည္နယ္ ေမာင္လၿမိဳင္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ဧၿပီလ ၂၅ မွ ၂၇ ရက္အထိ က်င္းပမည့္ အဆုိပါညီလာခံတြင္ ယင္းကိစၥ ထည့္သြင္းေဆြးေႏြးရန္ စီစဥ္ထားၿပီး စာနယ္ဇင္ေကာင္စီတြင္ ပါ၀င္ခြင့္အတြက္ ရလဒ္ တစ္ခုခုထြက္လာရန္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားသည္ဟု ၎ကေျပာသည္။

“စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီမွာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြ ပါ၀င္ခြင့္ရမယ္ဆုိရင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားမီဒီယာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးေရးလုပ္ငန္း လုပ္ေဆာင္လာႏုိင္မွာျဖစ္သလုိ ဥေပေဒေၾကာင္းအရ ခံစားခြင့္ေတြ၊ တာ၀န္ခံမႈေတြလည္း ရွိလာမယ္” ဟု ဦးမင္းမင္းႏြယ္က ဆိုသည္။

လက္ရွိတြင္ စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီကို ယာယီသာ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားၿပီး မီဒီယာဥပေဒ ထြက္ေပၚလာၿပီးေနာက္တြင္ အတည္ဖြဲ႔စည္းမည့္ စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုတြင္ အဆိုပါအခ်က္ကို ထည့္သြင္းႏုိင္ပါက စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီမွာ တုိင္းရင္းသားမီဒီယာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ပါ၀င္လာႏုိင္ရန္ အလားအလာ ရွိေၾကာင္း  ညီလာခံသုိ႔ တက္ေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးမည့္ စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီ(ယာယီ)မွ အဖြဲ႔ ၀င္တစ္ဦးျဖစ္သည့္  ဦးျမင့္ေက်ာ္က ရွင္းျပသည္။

“စာနယ္ဇင္းေကာင္စီမွာ တုိင္းရင္းသားမီဒီယာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြပါ၀င္လာရင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားမီဒီယာေတြရဲ႕ လုိအပ္ခ်က္ေတြကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳ ေျပာႏုိင္တဲ့အတြက္ ေကာင္းတဲ့လကၡဏာ တစ္ရပ္ပါ”ဟု ဦးျမင့္ေက်ာ္က မွတ္ခ်က္ျပဳသည္။

ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ၿမိဳ႕ Strand ဟိုတယ္တြင္က်င္းပမည့္ တုိင္းရင္းမီဒီယာညီလာခံကို ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ တုိင္းရင္းသားမီဒီယာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား၊ ကုလသမဂၢ ပညာေရး၊ သိပၸံႏွင့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အဖြဲ႕ (ယူနက္စ္ကို) မွ ပညာရွင္မ်ား၊ ျပည္ၾကားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနမွ တာ၀န္ရွိ သူမ်ား၊ မြန္ျပည္နယ္အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ NGO အဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ားအပါအ၀င္ လူဦးေရ ၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္ တက္ေရာက္ၾကမည္ျဖစ္သည္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသမုိင္းတေလွ်ာက္ ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္က်င္းပသည့္ တုိင္းရင္းသားမီဒီယာညီလာခံျဖစ္ၿပီး တုိင္းရင္းမီဒီယာ ဖြ႔ံၿဖိဳးေရးစင္တာ (BNI)၊ မြန္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း ထုတ္ေ၀သည့္ သံလြင္တုိင္းမ္ဂ်ာနယ္ႏွင့္ စေနာင္းတုိင္းမ္ဂ်ာနယ္တုိ႔မွ စီစဥ္ က်င္းပျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

Friday, April 12, 2013

ေသေဘာဘုိးစခန္း သမုိင္းတေစ့တေစာင္း

ေသေဘာဘုိးစခန္း သမုိင္းတေစ့တေစာင္း။


 (မင္းသမီးစခန္းအပါ၀င္ တျခားစခန္းအသီးသီးကလဲ ဒီလုိမွတ္တန္းတင္ထားနုိင္ရင္ေကာင္းမယ္)


Saturday, April 6, 2013

ေခ်ာကလက္ရွိတဲ့ အရပ္က ထန္းလ်က္ခဲ

ဧရာ၀တီ။
ေနာ္ေဝႏိုင္ငံ ေအာ္စလုိၿမိဳ႕ရဲ႕ အျပင္ဘက္နားရွိ ျမန္မာ စာသင္ေက်ာင္းေလးဆီ က်ေနာ္ ေရာက္သြားတာ့ ေန႔လည္ ၁၂ နာရီ ၀န္းက်င္ ရွိေနပါၿပီ။ ေအာ္စလုိနဲ႔ လီလယ္စတုိး (Lillestrøm) ၿမိဳ႕ၾကား ကားလမ္းေဘးက ေက်ာက္ေတာင္ တလုံးရဲ႕ လိုဏ္ေခါင္းထဲဲမွာ ဒီလုိ စာသင္ခန္းေတြ၊ အားကစားကြင္း ေတြရွိေနလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ထင္မထားေတာ့ ေက်ာင္းေနရာကို အေတာ္ရွာယူ ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ဒီေက်ာင္းကုိ တပတ္မွာ တနဂၤေႏြတရက္သာ ဖြင့္ၿပီး တရက္မွာ ၃ နာရီေလာက္သာ စာသင္တယ္လုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။
(ေအာ္စလုိ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းက ကေလးငယ္တခ်ိဳ႔ နွစ္သစ္ကူးပဲြမွာ သီခ်င္းဆုိေနစဥ္- ဓာတ္ပုံ- ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္)
“အရီးလာသည္၊
ဆီးသီး ပါသလား ။
အဆီ မစား၊
အသီး စားပါ ။”

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ သႀကၤန္အႀကိဳကာလျဖစ္လုိ႔ ပူျပင္းတဲ့ ေနေရာင္ေအာက္မွာ ကေလးေတြ ေရကစားဖုိ႔ျပင္ ေနၾကေပမယ့္ ဒီမွာေတြ႕ရတဲ့ ကေလးေတြကေတာ့ အေႏြးထည္ ထူထူေတြ၊ ႏွင္းကာ အကႌ်ေတြ ၀တ္လုိ႔။ သူငယ္တန္း ဖတ္စာထဲက သင္ခန္းစာတခုကို ဆရာမ ဖတ္ျပတဲ့အတုိင္း သူတုိ႔ လုိက္ဆုိေနၾကေပမယ့္ ဘာအဓိပၸာယ္မွန္း သူတုိ႔ နားလည္ပုံ မရ။

Hva er Ze-thi? (ဆီးသီးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ ဆရာမ) ဆုိၿပီး အသက္ ၆ ႏွစ္အရြယ္ ေက်ာင္းသူေလးတဦးက ဆရာမကုိ ေနာ္ေ၀းတ၀က္ ျမန္မာတ၀က္နဲ႔ ျပန္ေမးလုိက္ပါတယ္။ “ဆီးသီးဆုိတာ ဒီမွာမရွိဘူး သမီးရဲ့။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အညာ ေဒသမွာပဲ ဆီးပင္က ေပါက္တာ” ဆုိၿပီး ဆရာမက ေျဖပါတယ္။ “အညာဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ ဆရာမ” လုိ႔  ေနာက္ကေလးတဦးက ထပ္ေမးပါတယ္။ “အညာဆုိတာ ဒီမွာလုိ ႏွင္းေတြက်ၿပီး ေရေတြ ခဲမေနတဲ့ ေနရာ၊ ပူအုိက္တဲ့ ေနရာေပါ့ သားရယ္” လုိ႔ ဆရာမက ရွင္းျပေနပါတယ္။

အပူခ်ိန္ အႏုတ္ ၁၀ ဒီဂရီ စင္တီဂရိတ္ ေလာက္ရွိၿပီး ၀န္းက်င္တခုလုံး ဆီးနွင္းေတြ၊ ေရခဲေတြဖုံးလႊမ္း ေနတဲ့အရပ္က ေက်ာင္းေလးမွာ ေရာက္ေနတဲ့ ကေလးေတြကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အညာေဒသနဲ႔ အဲဒီ ေဒသမွာ ေပါက္တဲ့ ဆီးသီးအေၾကာင္း ရွင္းျပရတာ သိပ္လြယ္ပုံ မရ။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ ေျပာမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ဆီးသီး မရွိ၊ ပန္းသီးသာ ရွိတဲ့အရပ္၊ ထန္းလ်က္ခဲ မရွိ၊ ေခ်ာကလက္ခဲသာ ရွိတဲ့အရပ္မွာ ႀကီးျပင္းလာတဲ့ ကေလးေတြကို ျမန္မာစာနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ့ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အေၾကာင္း သင္ၾကားေရး ဆုိတာဟာ သိပ္မလြယ္လွ။


ဒီလို မလြယ္တဲ့ အေျခေနၾကားထဲကေန ေက်ာင္းသား မိဘတစု ႀကိဳးစား ဖြင့္လွစ္ထားတဲ့ ဒီေက်ာင္းမွာ ေက်ာင္းသား ၁၆ ဦး ရွိတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္ ေရာက္သြားတဲ့ ေန႔ကေတာ့ ၈ ဦး ပဲ ေတြ႔ရၿပီး ကေလးေတြ ေနမေကာင္းတာ၊ သူတုိ႔ မိဘေတြ မအားတာေၾကာင့္ ဒီေန႔ ပ်က္ကြက္စာရင္း မ်ားေနတာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ေက်ာင္းဆရာမ လည္းျဖစ္၊ ေက်ာင္းသား မိဘလည္း ျဖစ္တဲ့ ေတာခုိေက်ာင္းသူေဟာင္းတဦးက ေျပာျပပါတယ္။

“ဒီမွာ တသက္လုံး ေနမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ျမန္မာစကား၊ ျမန္မာစာ မတတ္လည္း အေထြအထူးေတာ့ ဘာမွ မျဖစ္ဘူးေပါ့။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာျပည္ကုိပဲ ျပန္ျပန္၊ မိဘေတြနဲ႔ပဲ စကားေျပာေျပာ ျမန္မာလုိ ေျပာတတ္ရင္ ပိုေကာင္းတာေပါ့” လုိ႔ ဆရာမက ရွင္းျပပါတယ္။

ကေလးေတြနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္ စကားေျပာၾကည့္ေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ ေျပာတဲ့ ျမန္မာစကားက တမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ လူႀကီးေတြ ေနာ္ေ၀စကား ေျပာတဲ့အခါ ထြက္လာတဲ့ မပီမသျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အသံလုိမ်ဳိး သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာစကား ဟာလည္း ေနာ္ေ၀အသံ ၀ဲေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာစကား ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ့္စိတ္ထဲ ခံစားမိပါတယ္။ ဒီ ကေလးငယ္ေတြထဲက တခ်ဳိ႕ဟာ နယ္စပ္က ေက်ာင္းသား စခန္းေတြ၊ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းေတြမွာ ေမြးခဲ့ေပမယ့္ အမ်ားစုက ဒီေနာ္ေ၀ကို ေရာက္ၿပီးမွ ေမြးဖြားတာ ျဖစ္လုိ႔ ျမန္မာစာ၊ ျမန္မာစကားဟာ သူတုိ႔အတြက္ သူစိမ္း ျဖစ္ေနပုံ ရပါတယ္။

“အရင္ကေတာ့ ျမန္မာျပည္ ျပန္ေရးဆုိတာ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္မႈ သက္သက္ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အခုေတာ့ သမၼတ ကုိယ္တုိင္ေရာ၊ ေဒၚစုေရာ၊ မင္းကုိႏိုင္ေရာ ေနာ္ေ၀အထိ ေရာက္လာၿပီး ျပန္လာႏိုင္ၿပီလုိ႔ ဖိတ္ေခၚေနၿပီဆုိေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔႔ရဲ့ အိမ္ျပန္ခ်ိန္က သိပ္မေ၀းေတာ့ဘူးလုိ႔ ထင္ပါတယ္” လုိ႔ ေက်ာင္းသားမိဘတဦးက သူ႔ကေလးရဲ႕ လက္ကုိဆြဲရင္း ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဒီေက်ာင္းရဲ႕ ထူးျခားခ်က္ကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက မူလတန္းေက်ာင္းလုိ ေက်ာင္းသားနဲ႔ ေက်ာင္းဆရာခ်ည္း ရွိတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းမ်ဳိး မဟုတ္ဘဲ ေက်ာင္းသားမိဘေတြပါ လုိက္လာရပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ျမန္မာစာ၊ ျမန္မာ စကား သင္ၾကားေရး အေရးႀကီးပုံနဲ႔ မိဘေတြက ကေလးေတြအေပၚ ဘယ္ေလာက္ အေလးထားသလဲ ဆုိတာကို နားလည္ေစဖုိ႔ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ေက်ာင္းေကာ္မီတီ၀င္ တဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။

 (အာ္စလုိ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္း သက္ငယ္တန္း- ဓာတ္ပုံ- ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္)

 “ဒီလုိဗ် …။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အခ်င္းခ်င္းေတြ႔လုိ႔ စကားေျပာျဖစ္ရင္ အႀကီးႀကီးေတြပဲ ေျပာျဖစ္ၾကတာ မ်ားတယ္ေလဗ်ာ။ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံ အေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပင္ေရးလုိဟာမ်ဳိးကို တေနကုန္ ျငင္းရင္ျငင္းေနမယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အိမ္ျပန္ေရာက္လုိ႔ ကိုယ့္ကေလးကုိ ၾကည့္လုိက္ေတာ့ ျမန္မာစကားေတာင္ မေျပာတတ္ဘူး ျဖစ္ေနတယ္ဆုိေတာ့ မဟုတ္ေသးဘူးေလ” လုိ႔ သူက ဆုိပါတယ္။

“အဲေတာ့ အႀကီးႀကီးေတြကုိလည္း ေျပာပါ။ ေသးေလးေတြထဲက ကိုယ္လုပ္ႏိုင္တာ ကိုယ္လည္း ခ်က္ခ်င္း ထလုပ္ပါ” လုိ႔ ေက်ာင္းေကာ္မတီ၀င္ လည္းျဖစ္၊ ေက်ာင္းဆရာနဲ႔ ေက်ာင္းသားမိဘလည္းျဖစ္တဲ့ အသက္ ၅၀ ၀န္းက်င္ အရြယ္ ေတာခုိ ေက်ာင္းသားေဟာင္းက ရွင္းျပပါတယ္။

ေနာ္ေ၀ႏိုင္ငံဆီ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြ ေထာင္နဲ႔ခ်ီ ၿပီးေရာက္လာတာ ၁၀ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ ဒီလုိ ျမန္မာစာ သင္ေပးတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းေလးတခု ေပၚလာတာကေတာ့ တႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ေလးပဲ ရွိပါေသးတယ္။ အရင္ကေတာ့ ကေလးေတြကို နီးစပ္ရာ အိမ္တလုံးမွာ စုၿပီး မိဘေတြက ၀ုိင္းသင္ေပးေလ့ ရွိတယ္လို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ ခရစ္ယာန္ ဘာသာ၀င္ ကေလးအမ်ားစုကေတာ့ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔တုိင္း ဘုရားေက်ာင္းမွာ ဆုံေလ့ရွိၿပီး မိဘေတြက သက္ဆုိင္ရာ လူမ်ဳိးစု ဘာသာစကားေတြကို သင္ေပးေလ့ ရွိတယ္လို႔လည္း သိရပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္ ေတြ႔ဖူးတဲ့ ကေလးအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားဟာ ျမန္မာစကား (လူမ်ဳိးစု၀င္ ဆုိရင္လည္း လူမ်ဳိးအလုိက္ ကရင္၊ ကခ်င္၊ ခ်င္း၊ မြန္ စသျဖင့္) ကို အနည္းအက်ဥ္း ေျပာတတ္ၿပီး အနည္းအက်ဥ္း နားလည္ၾကေပမယ့္ စာေတာ့ မဖတ္တတ္ၾကပါ။
 

တကယ္ေတာ့ ဒီလုိျဖစ္ေနတာ ေနာ္ေ၀ တႏိုင္ငံတည္းေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာျပည္ကေန အေျခခ် ေရာက္လာသူ ဦးေရ ဒီ့ထက္ ပိုမ်ားတဲ့ အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ ၾသစေတးလ်မွာလည္း ျမန္မာစာ သင္ၾကားေပးတဲ့ေက်ာင္း စနစ္တက် မရွိေသးဘူးလုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တခါ ကေလးေတြကလည္း ျမန္မာစာသင္ရမွာကို စိတ္မ၀င္စား၊ လူႀကီးေတြကလည္း ကေလးအခြင့္ေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္တယ္လုိ႔ စြပ္စဲြခံရမွာ စုိးရိမ္တဲ့အတြက္ အတင္း မတုိက္တြန္းခ်င္တာနဲ႔ ကေလးအမ်ားစုဟာ ျမန္မာစာ မတတ္ၾကဘူးလုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ ေမးျမန္းခြင့္ရခဲ့တဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသား မိဘတျဖစ္လဲ ေတာခုိ ေက်ာင္းသားေဟာင္းေတြက ေျပာၾကပါတယ္။

 (အာ္စလုိ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္း သူငယ္တန္း ဓာတ္ပုံ- ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္)

“ျမန္မာျပည္ ျပန္ရင္ေတာ့ ျမန္မာစာတတ္ဖို႔ အေရးႀကီးတာေပါ့ေလ။ က်ေနာ့္ ကေလး ၄ ေယာက္စလုံး ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းမွာ အပတ္စဥ္သြားၿပီး သင္ေနပါတယ္” လုိ႔ ျမန္မာ အမ်ားဆုံး ေနထိုင္တဲ့ၿမိဳ႕လုိ႔ လူသိမ်ားတဲ့ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၊ အင္ဒီယားနား ျပည္နယ္ ဖို႔ဒ္ဝိန္းၿမိဳ႕မွ ေက်ာင္းသား မိဘတဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ဆီမွာ ဘုန္းႀကီးကိုယ္တုိင္ ဦးစီး သင္ၾကားေပးေနၿပီး တနဂၤေႏြ ေန႔တုိင္း ၄ နာရီေလာက္ သင္ၾကားေပးတယ္လို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာေတြ ဒုတိယ အမ်ားဆုံး အေျခခ်တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံလုိ႔ ေျပာၾကတဲ့ ၾသစေတးလ်ႏိုင္ငံ ဆစ္ဒနီၿမိဳ႕မွာလည္း တနဂၤေႏြ စာသင္ေက်ာင္းရွိၿပီး မနက္ ၉ နာရီ ကေန ၁၂ နာရီအထိ သင္ေပးတယ္လို႔ ေက်ာင္းသား မိဘတျဖစ္လဲ ေတာခုိေက်ာင္းသူေဟာင္းတဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ဒါေပမယ့္ အေၾကာင္း အမ်ဳိးမ်ိဳးေၾကာင့္ မိဘေတြက ကေလးကုိ ပံုမွန္ ေက်ာင္းမပုိ႔ႏိုင္သလုိ အိမ္မွာလည္း မသင္ေပးျဖစ္တာ မ်ားတယ္” လုိ႔ နယ္စပ္မွာ ေက်ာင္းဆရာမ လုပ္ဖူးတဲ့ မိခင္ျဖစ္သူတဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ျမန္မာစာ တတ္ဖို႔ အေရးႀကီးလား ဆိုေတာ့ မိဘေတြအတြက္ေတာ့ ကိုယ့္မ်ိဳးဆက္က ကိုယ့္မိခင္ ဘာသာ စာေပ တတ္ဖို႔ အေရးမႀကီးဘဲ ေနပါ့မလား။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ကေလးေတြက ျမန္မာစာဟာ အေရးႀကီးတယ္လို႔ မယူဆၾကဘူး” လုိ႔ သူက ဆိုပါတယ္။

ကေနဒါႏိုင္ငံမွ ကေလးႏွစ္ေယာက္ ဖခင္၊ ေတာခုိေက်ာင္းသားေဟာင္း တဦးရဲ့ အေျဖကလည္း အလားတူ ခပ္ဆင္ပါပဲ။ “အစကေတာ့ ျမန္မာစာ သင္တဲ့ေက်ာင္း ဒီမွာလည္း ရိွတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အခု မရိွေတာ့ဘူး။ ကေလးေတြ စိတ္မ၀င္စားၾကလို႔။ က်ေနာ့္ ကေလးေတြဆုိ ျမန္မာစကားေရာ၊ စာပါ မတတ္ၾကဘူး။ အိမ္မွာ ျမန္မာ စကားေျပာေပမဲ့ သူတုိ႔ မေျပာခ်င္ဘူး ဆုိတာနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္လည္း လက္ေလ်ာ့လုိက္ၿပီ” လုိ႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္ ေရာက္ဖူးသေလာက္ ဥေရာပ ႏုိင္ငံေတြထဲမွာေတာ့ ေနာ္ေ၀အျပင္ ဒိန္းမတ္နဲ႔ ဖင္လန္ႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာလည္း တနဂၤေႏြ စာသင္ေက်ာင္းေတြရွိတာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒိန္းမတ္ႏိုင္ငံ Bramining ၿမိဳ႕က ေက်ာင္းေလးဟာ အေၾကာင္း အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးေၾကာင့္ ရပ္နားလုိက္ရၿပီလုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဖင္လန္ႏိုင္ငံ Kuopio ၿမိဳ႕က “မစုစုေႏြးေက်ာင္း” လုိ႔ အမည္ေပးထားတဲ့ တနဂၤေႏြ ေက်ာင္းကေတာ့ ေတြ႔ဖူးသေလာက္ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းေတြထဲမွာ စနစ္အက်ဆုံး ျဖစ္ၿပီး အခုခ်ိန္ထိ ပုံမွန္ လည္ပတ္ေနဆဲလုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေက်ာင္းမွာ သူငယ္တန္းကေန စတုတၳတန္းအထိ ဆရာအင္အား မ်ားစြာနဲ႔ အေသအခ်ာ သင္ေပးေနတာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။

၈၈ အေရးေတာ္ပုံ ေနာက္ပုိင္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခေန အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးေၾကာင့္ ေတာခုိေက်ာင္းသား ဘ၀ကေန တတိယ ႏုိင္ငံဆီ ေရာက္လာသူ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားအျဖစ္ကေန ေရာက္လာသူ၊ စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းေတြဆီကေန တဆင့္ ေရာက္လာတဲ့ အေျခခ် လူဦးေရဟာ သိပ္မနည္းလွ။ အတိအက် စာရင္းျပဳစု ထုတ္ျပန္ထားတာ မေတြ႔ရေသးေပမယ့္ ေလ့လာသူေတြရဲ႕ ခန္႔မွန္းခ်က္ အရ ၁ သိန္း နီးပါးအထိ ရွိႏိုင္တယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ တသိန္း၀န္းက်င္ထဲမွာ ၁၀ ႏွစ္ေအာက္ ကေလးငယ္ဦးေရ ဘယ္ေလာက္အထိ ရွိေနမလဲ။ ေသာင္းဂဏန္း မရွိရင္ေတာင္ ေထာင္ဂဏန္းမက ရွိလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ခန္႔မွန္းႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ေတြဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ ေ၀းေနလုိ႔ ျမန္မာစာတတ္ဖို႔ မလိုေတာ့ဘူးလား။

“ခက္တာက ဒီက အေျခအေနက ထုိင္းနယ္စပ္က အေျခေနနဲ႔ မတူေတာ့ျပန္ဘူးဗ်။ ဟုိမွာက ထုိင္းေက်ာင္းဆီ တက္ခြင့္မရလုိ႔ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းေတြ ေထာင္ရတာ။ ဒီမွာက ေနာ္ေ၀ေက်ာင္းေတြက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထက္ အမ်ားႀကီး သာပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီက ကေလးေတြ ျမန္မာစာ သင္တယ္ဆုိတာဟာ စာတတ္ဖုိ႔ သက္သက္ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး လကၡဏာ National Identity အတြက္ ျဖစ္တယ္” လုိ႔ ေအာ္စလုိ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္း ေကာ္မတီ၀င္က ေထာက္ျပပါတယ္။

ၿပီးေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြၾကားမွာ ျမန္မာစာသင္ဖုိ႔၊ ျမန္မာ့ယဥ္ေက်းမႈအေၾကာင္း သင္ၾကားဖုိ႔ အခုလုိ အခက္ခဲေတြ၊ အျငင္းပြားမႈေတြ ရွိေနေပမဲ့ တျခားႏိုင္ငံကေန အေျခခ်လာၾကတဲ့၊ ဥပမာ သိရီလကၤာက တမီလ္တုိ႔၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ဗီယက္နမ္တုိ႔၊ အေရွ႕အလယ္ပုိင္းနဲ႔ အာဖရိကဖက္က လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြ အားလုံးဟာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ့ မိခင္ ဘာသာစကားနဲ႔ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ မေပ်ာက္ပ်က္ေအာင္ အစီအစဥ္တက် ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတာ အားရစရာႀကီး ေတြ႔ရတယ္လုိ႔လည္း သူက နႈိင္းယွဥ္ၿပီ္း ၿငီးတြားသြားပါတယ္။



Myanmar's fragile peace - 101 East - Al Jazeera English



Myanmar's fragile peace - 101 East - Al Jazeera English

Myanmar's fragile peace

101 East looks at whether the fragile peace between Myanmar's government and ethnic groups will last.

Last Modified: 05 Apr 2013 13:43

 

Myanmar, a diverse country of over 55 million people has entered a new era of unprecedented democratic reform after decades of military rule.

The success of the country’s transition hinges on peace negotiations with multiple armed ethnic groups.
These minorities represent more than one-third of the population in the resource-rich borderlands of the country. In the past year, ceasefire agreements have been signed with 13 rebel armies, but one conflict in Kachin state remains the key stumbling block.

Connect with 101 East
Chief peace negotiator U Aung Min has given 101 East exclusive access to the latest round of negotiations with the Kachin, as he navigates the tricky path to peace.

Balancing the interests of armed rebels, the Myanmar army and the country’s powerful neighbour, China, is no easy task. Many speculate that the reason for the ongoing fighting lies in control of the resources in Kachin state.

Aung Min has drafted an unlikely band of former exiles and rebel fighters onto his team.
They work tirelessly, often unpaid, to help Myanmar at this critical moment in its history. Min Zaw Oo was a student fighter who battled the military in the jungle and is now one of Aung Min’s closes advisors at the Myanmar Peace Center.

International help has been forthcoming, too. Charles Petrie, former head of the UN in Myanmar, was expelled by the former regime and is now back to help ensure the ceasefires hold. Working with the Norwegian-funded Myanmar Peace Support Initiative, his team supports people in some of the country’s most remote locations. Many are only just being coaxed out of hiding after decades on the run.

Mistrust runs deep and key stumbling blocks in the peace process remain. Ethnic leaders want to begin talks on power sharing and running their own affairs. But it is unclear if support exists for constitutional change from the 25 percent military block in Myanmar’s parliament. Ethnic armies, meanwhile, are refusing to give up their guns.

101 East  takes a rare look into Myanmar's forgotten corners, and follows the country's leaders as they navigate a fragile path to peace.

Thursday, April 4, 2013

Books from and about Burma.

Copy from http://yanawa.blogspot.no/2013/03/books-from-and-about-burma.html

Freitag, 22. März 2013


Books from and about Burma

I should mention that those books presented were/are printed in small editions only and are more or less available in Mae Sot and Chiang Mai only. Good places to buy them are Myat Thu's Aiya Restaurant and The Best Friend Library in Mae Sot, also the Best Friend Libraries in Chiang Mai and Nu PO Refugee camp. One can also try any used book store in Thailand. And finally: You can contact the publishers or the authors of the books, for I added all available information below each book.

Legal note: all excerpts on this page are published with explicit permission of the authors and/or publishers.

Sorry, von dieser Seite gibt es diesmal keine deutschsprachige Version, da von den Büchern keine deutschen Übersetzungen existieren.

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Far from home: 20 years in exile



In this book the author Htet Aung Kyaw tells us about his personal experiences as a rebel fighter for the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDC), which he joined after the military crackdown on the uprising against the junta in August 1988, and of his life as a reporter. He describes the inner conflicts between the different Burmese opposition groups as well as between the several social classes, eg. the problems and conflicts between those who decided to stay in Burma and to fight the military regime and those groups of educated people who fled the country and were accused of enjoying a happy life outside Burma (mainly in the US, Norway and Australia) and just waiting for the others to topple the government. The book also offers several analyses and appraisals he has written over the years for several newspapers and magazines.

The first excerpt I chose is a little bit unusal for the book. Why? Because it describes the clash of two different worlds when the rebel camp, where Htet Aung Kyaw was living at that time, was visited by an official of the International Refugee Committee (IRC). This woman had obviously no idea about the situation of these rebel fighters and their struggle to survive in a civil war area. One can only hope that this incompetence and stupid behavior by this IRC official is an exception and is not the rule!

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

(first chapter, from page 5 to 7)
...with an official from the International Refugee Committee (IRC). We passed the beautiful beaches and the popular Ban Laau Waterfall and finally reached the last Thai village, Khauung Yai (The Big Mountain) before our jungle camp. As we walked along the stream to our camp, the lady from the IRC, seeing the paper, plastics and food waste the students had thrown into the water, began complaining to me that we did  not respect the enviroment.

When we stopped for lunch along the way, we washed our hands and dishes in the stream as we did every day. But the IRC official complained again and again that the ABSDF were not respecting enviromental law. As a burmese rebel, I had never heard of enviromental law so I just smiled and paid no attention to her complaints. Once we arrived at the camp the, the IRC official exclaimed loudly when I offered her monkey curry for dinner. "You guys are killers. You have killed innocent wildlife. You are destroying the enviroment and nature," she shouted and spent the whole night crying.

We had no idea why she was so angry. The next morning, some students shot a monkey in a big tree just beside the camp and others used the monkey's hand bone as a tool to make Yazin (cigarettes). "How can you complain? If you don't want us to kill monkeys, you should provide us with proper food, meat and milk - you are the donor," I told her.

She was really upset now but we just laughed as we didn't understand her feelings. I heard later that she wrote an official letter of complaint to the ABSDF headquarters saying that battalions 201 and 203 were destroying the enviroment and forest wildlife. If we did not stop, she wrote, the IRC would cut our aid...

...It was only when I arrived at Norway that I truly understood her feelings. There are many ducks in the public lakes and beaches but no one tried to catch them. I learned that there are many regulations to protect wild animals, but more importantly, no one thinks to kill these animals as no one is hungry here.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

The second excerpt I chose is in strong contrast to the ivory tower views of the IRC offical and the brutal reality the rebel fighters were confronted with in their fight against the military government forces. (Still one can observe a lot of those so-called experts and starry-eyed-idealists running around at the Thai-Burmese border (and now also inside Myanmar) who have absolutely no idea what's going on.)

(second chapter, page 11)
...I don't know the exact number of casualities on our side, but I am certain that it was only one or two percent of those suffered by the Burmese troops. With my own eyes I saw hundreds of bodies, hand granades, helmets, ID cards, guns and knives of Burmese soldiers scattered in front of our frontline bunkers, in a place we called the killing ground...

...Soldiers from the ASBDF's battalion 211 and the Karen National Liberatioon Army (KNLA) Special Batallion 101 led by colonel Taw Hla built heavily fortified bunkers along enemy lines while a number of normal bunkers were built along the river. We built three barbed wire fences in front of the fortified bunkers and three rows of bamboo traps...

...But unbelievably, although everything was in our favour, hundreds of Burmese soldiers tried to advance on the killing ground in wave after wave while their comrades ordered artillery shelling of our bunkers. Most of the fighting took place in the early morning and evening. All we needed to do was sit and wait in our bunkers until the enemy reached the last line of barbed wire, then pull the triggers of our AK-47s. It was so hard to understand why the waves  of Burmese soldiers kept on coming in the killing ground even though they had seen hundreds of their comrades killed before them...

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About the author:
Htet Aung Kyaw, a freelance journalist  and writer, was born 1964 in Tavoy in southern Burma. After the crackdown of the 8.8.88 democracy mass movement in Burma he joined the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF). Later he worked as a field reporter for Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB).  He still lives in Oslo, Norway.
Momentarily he is working on his new book about his life in the ABSDF , this time in Burmese, and prepares to publish it in Myanmar (or Burma, as he prefers to call his country). He also writes for the Irrawaddy Online Magazine.

Published by:
Htet Aung Kyaw

Contact:
Tel:+47 97 15 50 74 (mobile)
e-mail: winhtein201@gmail.com
http://www.htetaungkyaw.net/
http://facebook.com/htetaungkyaw201

twitter: @hak201

Copyright:
December 2008
Htet Aung Kyaw

Layout and Design:
Irrawaddy Publishing Group (IPG)


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The Contents of a Life


A beautiful poem about returning home. It was published a few months after Maung Aung Pwint was released from jail, serving more than 6 years in Insein and Tharawaddy (also Thayawaddy) prison as a political prisoner.

Great Time
(pages 10+11)

When he would make
an angel of the devil  is back home,
from the bread the bread knife to the big chopper
all get shrpened

When he would make
an angel of the devil 
is back home,
the rose apple tree in front of the house
looks more luxuriant than ever,
all birds sing, enjoying nectar,
the purple sun bird couple
with their needle-thin beaks
flit at play.

When he would make
an angel of the devil 
is back home,
more orchids bloom,
the soap acacia tree puts on more new leaves,
garden crotons look more fresh,
the lemon tree in the corner
sags with fruit,
                                                               
When he would make
an angel of the devil 
is back home,
neighbours come in a crowd;
one carrying a four-month-old says:
"This baby has such magnetic power
his granddad is back home."

Well if babies all over the land
showed such power all at once
it would be such a blessed day,
a great day.

(2.5.2006)
Before he published this poem Maung Aung Pwint spent more than 6 years in prison from 1999 - 2005

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

A bit of this and that
(page 71)

The flute is silent,
quiet,
the cowherd's shadow - 
asleep

          No light on the other bank
          Ma Ka Toe's house - 
          calm

                      The dog Velvet
                      staring -
                      the leftovers?
                      none.

                                      The horizons
                                      one gazes
                                      the blue colour overwhelms.
                                      One yearns,
                                      gazes and yearns.

(8.6.1986)

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About the Author:
Maung Aung Pwint was born 11. November 1946 in the small village Hpayakon in Burma. He published his first poem in 1968 and his first book "Forest of Sadness Trees" in 1972.

He worked as school teacher, proof-reader, used book dealer, news monitoring editor and a video programme writer. In 2002 he received the Helmann-Hammett Grants Award by Human Rights Watch and in 2004 theInternational Press Freedom Award by the Committee to Protect Journalists.

For his political beliefs he was imprisoned for several times: Pathein Prison (1967-68), Insein Prison (1978-80), Tant-U police lock-up (1997) and Insein and Tharawaddy prison (1999-2005).
(source: book cover from "The Contents of a Life")

Article on Maung Aung Pwint:
Maung Aung Pwint - The peoples poet

Published:
Nyein Chan Aung
Jaamantie 23 H 65
70150 Kuopio, Finland
nyeinchan@luuku.com

ISBN 978-952-67187-0-5

Distribution:
Swam Myaing
PO Box 132
Mae Sot
Tak 63110
Thailand
swammyaing@yahoo.com

Copyright: no information


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The Darkness We See:
Torture in Burma's Interrogation Centers and Prisons

This book contains mainly a vast collection of interviews and statements by witnesses, former political prisoners  and victims of torture. It provides also information and facts about the prisons, torturers and treatments and "interrogation methods".

Why am I suggesting this documentation of 2005 about prison conditions and torture in Burmese prisons? So much has happened in the meantime. There is this new "civilian" and "democratically" elected government ("only" 25% of  all seats in the parliament are reserved for unelected military officers and many elected members of the ruling party USDP are former officers of the Burmese army). The whole world celebrates the new wonderful and golden era in Myanmar. Everything is fine and beautyful, a new garden Eden on earth when it comes to certain journalists, foreign official representatives and governments. Myanmar's President Thein Sein even has reportedly been tipped for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2012.

But STOP! What about the hundreds of thousands of victims who suffered during the brutal dictatorship from mass rape, torture, forced labour, lootings, abductions and imprisonments, murder and war crimes? Shall all the perpetrators escape unpunished?
Are they really democrats now and changed their methods of ruling the country just because they switched their uniforms for civil suits?

Already bloggers are declared traitors or criminals again for criticising the government, and political prisoners are only released and dissidents/refugees are only allowed to return home when they assure that they won't enter politics and refrain themselves from making political statements and/or criticising the government. The war against the Kachin ethnic minority is still going on. Also, we should not forget the atrocities in Rakhine State. For ethnic conflicts see also the book/report number five at the end of this post: Deciphering Myanmar's Peace Process.

I choose this book because it gives an impression about what happened inside Myanmar's prisons, what the junta, it's helpers and supporters did to their people (many of them still remain in office and/or hold the power in the "New Myanmar") and how many victims are struggling to go on with their daily lifes.
There will be no reconciliation without justice for the victims.























(chapter III, Torture Methods in ..., physical tortue, page 30)
...One man explains his experience:
"After being relocated to the dog cell, I was taken out of the cell with other
prisoners and made to run, shackled and blindfolded, under the noonday 
sun for 5-7 minutes, with authorities forcing us to run as fast as possible. 
This lastet for three days each afternoon, and was overseen by the jailer
Thein Myint. Finally, we were taken back to the cells, where the door was 
opend and we were kicked inside. Only then we were able to remove our
blindfolds. We remained shackled."...

(chapter V, Prison Health Care System, Medications, page 75 and 76)
...While the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has provided the prisons with several quality medications, political prisoners rarely ever benfit, as many note that the authorities sell the medications on the market or to the political prisoners themselves:
"The ICRC visited Mandalay prison three times while I was there. During
these times, conditions did improve to a certain extent. However, we found
out that though the ICRC had donated much medicine to the prisoners, the
authorities kept it to themselves to sell while giving the prisoners poorer
quality medicine."

(chapter VI, The Future For Former Political Prisoners, Families Of Political Prisoners, page 98)
..."After my release, I had to write reports daily to MI officers in order to keep
myself and my home safe. I had to record everyone who visited the house and
what we discussed. This was mental torture. The MI knew that I was not 
reporting truthfully , but they didn't react - they made me only do this to harass
me. Then, my mother died from a heart attack, because she knew that her son
had met with serious torture in interrogation and it was more than she could 
bear."...

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Publishing and distribution:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
December 2005

Copyright:
Assistant Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)

Contact:
Office Ph: 66(0)55-545495
Web: http://www.aappb.org


_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________


NO EASY ROAD
A burmese political prisoner's story
by Paul Pickrem

This time there is no need for me to give a description or an explanation because the author already put everything in a nutshell himself.
(from the back of the hardcover)
No Easy Road: A Burmese Political Prisoner's Storey
chronicles Thiha Yarzar's nearly 18-year journey on the long road to freedom, first as a political prisoner jailed and tortured in five differnt Burmese prisons, and then as political exile in Thailand.

I wanted to scream. But I controlled myself. I did not want to show 
them my fear or my rage. I swallowed my voice. I did not want them to
to think of me as a coward. - Thiha Yarzar (from the back of the hardcover)























(chapter 12, The Prisoners Dream Comes True, Page 69)
"It was like a dream," he remembers of the night he was driven in a taxi to his sisters house. 
Was this that old prisoner's dream, and would be returned to prison just before waking up?
He got lost because the city streets and the neighbourhood  had changed so much while he was in prison. 
Two police cars followed the taxi as he tried to find the house he had spent so much time in as a child.
But he didn't wake up in his cell. Instead, he finally stood at his sister's door.
When his sister, Daw Khin Mar Win, answered the door, they just stared at each other. They had not seen each other since she visited him in Insein Prison in 1992.
"She shouted, 'Hey! This is Thiha!' She came running to meet me, crying."
"Mommy is here," she told Thiha.
Thiah stared in amazement as he watched an old woman come out of the house.
"It was my mother. But I didn't recognise her at first," he said.
Daw Tin Lay Myint was now 68 years-old. He remembers her hair had turned white. She was thin, but looked healthy.
"She just stared at me, as she moved slowly toward me," he recalled.
"This is Thiha!" his sister shouted.
"They thought I was dead," Thiha said, ...

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

(chapter 14, Free Burma!, page 78)
This decision made by Thiha Yarzar, the young history student at Rangoon University, to pursue and defend the cause of democracy in Burma because it is the better way, and his willingness to pay the steep price to secure it, has not waivered despite long years of imprisonment and torture and suffering to him and his family.
"I did my duty and I will continue to do my duty. Every Burmese has a responsibility to struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma," he said.
"I'm free, and I'm getting strength from the fact that I'm a free man. I will do whatever I can to continue my fight for democracy and human rights."...

_____________________________________________________________________________________



Copyright:
2nd Edition: ExPP-ACT

Contact:
exppact@gmail.com
info@exppact.org

www.exppact.org
www.borderlinereport.blogspot.com

The Best Friend Library:
ashin@thebestfiend.org
chiangmai@thebestfriend.org

www.thebestfriend.org




Info (by ExPP-ACT):
Released in April 2012:
EXILE: Personal Portraits of Burmese Refugees
Can be bought or ordered in Mae Sot only!

























‘Exile’ is a collection of nine portraits from the Thai- Burmese border area. Here, thousands of Burmese migrants and refugees live a life in hiding as a consequence of a corrupt military regime in their homeland.

The voices of nine different people each tell a personal story about life in Burma and life in exile. From democratic movements, ethnic minorities to ordinary Burmese people, the portraits uncover the brutality of the Burmese regime, its massive violations of human rights and the trials and tribulations of living as a migrant or refugee in another country.

Written by Anne Marie Thyrup Christiansen and Pernille Houborg.
Copyrights by Christiansen, Houborg, Exppact


___________________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________________

Deciphering Myanmar's Peeace Process
A reference guide 2013



















This collection of facts about ongoing conflicts in Myanmar, of the various ethnic groups and their political organisations and armed forces, and the level of peace talks etc. is very detailed and informative. There's a discourse about the different root causes that lead to those numerous conflicts. Another chapter explaines the Burmese government's idea of a peace plan on the one hand - and the ethnic minorities ideas about peace on the other hand. One can also find a description of international assistance, mediation and of the business peace mediators.
And it delivers a complete overview of ALL ethnic armed groups, including their history, strength, leaders, organisations, developments, offices, contact numbers and adresses, partners, clashes, etc.
Finally, three appendices are included explaining 1.) Ceasefire Terms, 2.)Comparison of agreed terms by the ethnic groups and 3.) Armed Resistance Groups.

This book was delivered at a press meeting at the FCCT in Bangkok on Monday 18th March 2013. It is not available in any bookshops but you can download it for FREE as pdf-file from this web page:

Deciphering-Myanmar-Peace-Process-For-Web.pdf


_____________________________________________________________________________________

Copyright:
Burma News International
First Editon 2013

Published by:
Burma News International
PO Box (76) Chiang Mai University PO
Chiang Mai, 50202, Thailand

Information and Links:
Phone: +66 (0) 84 722 5988
Email: secretary.bni@gmail.com
Web: www.mmpeacemonitor.org

http://bnionline.net
http://myanmarpeacemonitoring.blogspot.com


Monday, April 1, 2013

တေခတ္ဆန္းလာတဲ့ မီဒီယာေလာကနဲ႔ စတုတၳမ႑ိဳင္ရဲ့တာ၀န္

ထက္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္ (၀၁-၀၄-၂၀၁၃)

ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ရထားတဲ့ ပုဂၢလိကသတင္းစာ ၁၆ ေစာင္ထဲက ပထမ ဆုံး ၄ ေစာင္ ဧျပီလ ၁ ရက္ေန႔မွာ  ထြက္လာတာေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ လက္ရွိသမၼဦးသိန္းစိန္ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အရပ္သားတပုိင္း အစိုးရသစ္လက္ ထက္ ထူးျခားတဲ့ မီဒီယာတုိးတက္မႈျဖစ္ျပီး လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ နွစ္ ၅၀ နအဖ၊ န၀တနဲ႔ မဆလ ေခတ္ကေန လမ္းခြဲ ထြက္လာတဲ့ လကၡဏာတခုလုိ႔ ဆုိနုိင္မယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။


ဒီေန စတင္ ထုတ္ေ၀လုိက္တဲ ေန႔စဥ္သတင္းစာမ်ား (ဓာတ္ပုံ – ေဂ်ပုိင္ / ဧရာ၀တီ)

ဒီေန႔ထြက္လာတဲ့ (ျပည္ေထာင္စုေန႔စဥ္၊ ေရြနုိင္ငံသစ္၊ စံေတာ္ခ်ိန္နဲ႔ the Voice) သတင္းစာ ၄ ေစာင္ အပါ၀င္ ဆက္တုိက္ထြက္လာမဲ့ သတင္းစာအားလုံး ဘယ္ေလာက္အထိ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ေရးခြင့္ ရမလဲ။ ဘယ္ေလာက္အထိ အဆင့္တန္းမွီမွီ ေရးနုိင္မလဲဆုိတာကို မသိနုိင္ေသးေပမဲ့ ပုဂၢလိကပုိင္ သတင္းစာ ၁၆ ေစာင္ေတာင္ ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ ရတယ္ဆုိတဲ့သတင္းဟာ စစ္တပ္က အာဏာသိမ္းခ်ိန္မွာ ေမြးျပီး မဆလ ေခတ္မွာလူျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ က်ေနာ္ တို႔ မ်ဳိးဆက္အတြက္ေတာ့ တကယ့္ကုိအထူးအဆန္းပါပဲ။

၁၉၆၂ စစ္တပ္က အာဏာမသိမ္းခင္ ဖဆပလ ေခတ္မွာတုန္းက မီဒီယာ (အဲဒီေခတ္က စာနယ္ဇင္း လုိ႔ေခၚ) လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ရွိျပီး ပုဂၢလိက သတင္းစာေတြရွိခဲ့ေပမဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရတက္လာခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ အားလုံး ကို ျပည္သူပုိင္သိမ္းလုက္တယ္လုိ႔ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔မ်ဳိးဆက္ဖတ္ဖူးတဲ့ သတင္းစာဆုိ တာဟာ ျမန္မာ့အလင္း၊ ေၾကးမုံနဲ႔ ဗုိလ္တေထာင္ ၃ ေစာင္ပဲရွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီသတင္းစာ ၃ ေစာင္မွာ ပါတဲ့သတင္းေတြကလဲ အမ်ားျပည္သူနဲ႔သိပ္မဆုိင္တဲ့သတင္း။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူအစိုးရက သူေျပာခ်င္တာ ေျပာဖုိ႔၊ အစိုးရေကာင္းေၾကာင္း၀ါဒျဖန္႔ဖုိ႔ ေရးခြင့္ေပးထားတဲ့ သတင္းစာေတြသာျဖစ္ေနတာကို စိတ္မ ေကာင္းစြာေတြ႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ သတင္းစာပညာ Journalism ဆုိတာကုိ က်ေနာ္တို႔မ်ဳိးဆက္ သင္ၾကားခြင့္မရခဲ့ပါ။ ဖ ဆပလ ေခတ္နဲ႔ မဆလေခတ္အေစာပုိင္းအထိ လူထုဆက္သြယ္ေရးဘာသာရပ္ကုိ တတၠသိုလ္နဲ႔ ေဒ သေကာလိပ္ေတြမွာသင္ၾကားခဲ့တယ္လို႔သိရေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ တကၠသိုလ္ေရာက္ခ်ိန္မွာ သတင္းစာ ပညာဘာသာရပ္ မရွိေတာ့ပါ။ ရသစာေပ အသားေပး လစဥ္ထုတ္မဂၢဇင္းေတြ၊ လုံးခ်င္း၀တၳဳစာအုပ္ ေတြနဲ႔သာ ရင္းနွီးခြင့္ရခဲ့ပါေတာ့တယ္။

ဒီလုိ နွစ္ ၅၀ ေက်ာ္ မီဒီယာလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ပိတ္ပင္ခံထားရတဲ့အေျခေနကေန အခု ပုဂၢလိကသတင္းစာ ၁၈ ေစာင္ထြက္လာေတာ့မယ္လုိ႔ဆုိပါတယ္။ တခါ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ေက်ာင္းသားဘ၀က စိတ္ကူးယဥ္လုိ႔မရခဲ့ တဲ့ Journalism ဘာသာရပ္ကုိလဲ ဗုိလ္တေထာင္က အမ်ဳိးသားစီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈေကာလိပ္မွာ သင္ၾကားေပး ေနတာ ၄-၅ နွစ္ေလာက္ရွိေနျပီလုိ႔သိရပါတယ္။


ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာအျပင္ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာကုိလဲ ပုဂၢလိက ပုိင္ဆုိင္ခြင့္ေပးမွာလား

ပုဂၢလိကသတင္းစာ ၁၆ ေစာင္ ဒီနွစ္ထဲ ထြက္လာမွာကေတာ့ ေသခ်ာေနပါျပီ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီေန႔ေခတ္ဟာ အယင္နွစ္ ၅၀ ကလုိ စာ-နယ္-ဇင္း (ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာ) ေခတ္သက္သက္မဟုတ္ေတာ့။ တုိးတက္လာတဲ့ နည္းပညာေတြနဲ႔အညီ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာနဲ႔ အြန္လုိင္းမီဒီယာေတြ လႊမ္းမုိးေနတဲ့ေခတ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သတင္းစာေတြပုဂၢလိက ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ေပးသလုိ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာေတြကုိလဲ ပုဂၢလိက ထုတ္ လႊင့္ခြင့္ေပးမွာလားဆုိတာ ဆက္ေဆြးေႏြးသင့္တယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။

လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ နွစ္ ၅၀ အေျခေနကုိျပန္ေကာက္ရမယ္ဆုိရင္ ၁၉၆၂ မွာ စစ္တပ္က အာဏသိမ္းျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ မဆလ ေခတ္မွာ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့သတင္းစာေတြ၊ စာ-နယ္-ဇင္း ေတြ မရွိေတာ့တဲ့အတြက္ ျပည္သူအမ်ား စုဟာ ျပည္ပအသံလႊင့္ဌာေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ BBC, VOA ျမန္မာပုိင္းေရဒီယုိေတြကို အားကိုးခဲ့ၾကရပါတယ္။ တခါ ၁၉၈၈ မွာ စစ္တပ္က အာဏာထပ္သိမ္းျပီး န၀တ-နအဖ ေခတ္ေရာက္ေတာ့ DVB, RFA ေရဒီယုိ ေတြ ထပ္ေပၚလာျပန္ပါတယ္။ ဆုိလုိတာကေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ မီဒီယာလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္နည္းေလ ျပည္ပ က မီဒီယာေတြအေပၚ အမ်ားျပည္သူက အားကုိးမႈတုိးေလ ဆုိတဲ့သေဘာပါ။

အခု ဦးသိန္းစိန္ရဲ့ အရပ္သားတပုိင္းအစိုးရသစ္လက္ထက္မွာ မီဒီယာလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ေပးေနပါတယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာေနသည့္တုိင္၊ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြ ဒါဇင္နဲ႔ခ်ီျပီး ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ရေနသည့္တုိင္၊ Facebook အပါ၀င္ ဆုိရွယ္ မီဒီယာေတြ၊ အြန္လိုင္းမီဒီယာေတြ ထြန္းကားေနသည့္တုိင္ ေက်းလက္ေန ျပည္သူအမ်ားစုကေတာ့ သ သတင္းမွန္ေတြကိုအခ်ိန္မွီရဖုိ႔အတြက္ ျပည္ပကလြင့္တဲ့ BBC, VOA, RFA, DVB လႈိင္းတုိ ေရဒီယုိေတြ ကုိသာ အားထားေနရဆဲလုိ႔သိရပါတယ္။

တခါ ေျပာင္းလဲတုိးတက္လာတဲ့နည္းပညာေတြနဲ႔အညီ ေရဒီယုိအျပင္ ရုပ္-သံ လုိင္းေတြပါ ျပည္ပ အသံ လႊင့္ဌာနေတြက အျပိဳင္အဆုိင္တုိးခ်ဲ့လာေနပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၅ ခုနွစ္အေစာပုိင္းမွာ DVB က စေလာင္း TV စတင္ထုတ္လႊြင့္ခဲ့ျပိး ထင္ထားတာထက္ေတာင္ ပုိေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြကေျပာပါ တယ္။ ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္ပုိင္းအတြင္းမွာေတာ့ VOA နဲ႔ RFA ကလဲ စေလာင္း TV ေတြ စတင္ ထုတ္လႊင့္လာခဲ့ ပါတယ္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ အြန္လုိင္းမီဒီယာေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ဧရာ၀တီနဲ႔ မဇ်ိမကလဲ ေန႔စဥ္ သတင္းေတြ အျပင္ ရုပ္-သံ စတုိရီေတြကို YouTube ကတဆင့္ ပုံမွန္ထုတ္လႊင့္လာတာကို ေတြ႔လာရပါတယ္။

ဒါက ျပည္ပအေျခေနပါ (အခုေတာ့ ျပည္ပ မီဒီယာအားလုံးး ျပည္တြင္းမွာရံုးခြဲဖြင့္ခြင့္ရထားပါျပီ)။ ျပည္ တြင္းအေျခေနကိုၾကည့္မယ္ဆုိရင္လဲ အစိုးရနဲ႔ စစ္တပ္က တုိက္ရုိက္ပုိင္တဲ့ ျမန္မာ့အသံ ေရဒီယုိ၊ ျမန္မာ့ ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားနဲ႔ ျမ၀တီေရဒီယုိ၊ ျမ၀တီရုပ္-သံတုိ႔အျပင္ ပုဂၢလိကပုိင္ Sky-net ဆုိတာ အခု ဦး သိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရသစ္လက္ထက္မွာ အေတာ္ေခတ္စားေနပါျပီ။ ျပီးေတာ့ Forever အဖြဲ႔ကလုပ္တဲ့ MRTV4  ကလဲ အရွိန္ေကာင္းေနတယ္လို႔သိရပါတယ္။ ဒါအျပင္ ေဖ်ာ္ေျဖေရးကို ဦးစားေပးျပီး မုိးေလ၀ါသနဲ႔ ယဥ္ ေၾကာင္းသတင္းေတြကိုေၾကညာေလ့ရွိတဲ့ FM ေရဒီယုိေတြလဲ ျပည္နယ္-တုိင္း ၁၄ ခုစလုံးမွာ နားဆင္ နုိင္ေနျပီလုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။

ထူးျခားတာကေတာ့ အစိုးရပုိင္အသံလႊင့္ဌာနေတြကိုေတာင္ အမ်ားျပည္သူ၀န္ေဆာင္မႈလုပ္ငန္းအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲမယ္ဆုိျပီး ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္အတြင္း ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြေတြက်င္းပခဲ့တာေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အခုခ်ိန္ထိ ေတာ့ ေသခ်ာတိက်တဲ့ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ဳိးထြက္လာတာ မေတြ႔ရေသးပါဘူး။ ဒီလို အ ေျခေနမွာ DVB, VOA, RFA TV နဲ႔ BBC ေရဒီယုိေတြ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ လြတ္လပ္စြာလုပ္ခြင့္ရမယ္ဆုိရင္ ေကာ အသံလႊင့္ မီဒီယာ အေျခေနက ဒီထက္မက ေျပာင္းလဲတုိးတက္လာမလား။

အေရအတြက္မွ အရည္အခ်င္းသို႔

ဒီေန႔ေခတ္ေလာက္ မီဒီယာအေရအတြက္မ်ားတာ တခါမွမရွိေသးဘူးလုိ႔ထင္ပါတယ္။ အခု ထြက္လာမဲ့ ပုဂၢလိကပုိင္သတင္းစာက ၁၆ ေစာင္၊ ဂ်ာနယ္ေပါင္းက တရက္ကုိအနဲဆုံး ၅ ေစာင္ေလာက္ထြက္ေနတဲ့ အတြက္  အနဲဆုံးေစာင္ေရ ၃၅ ေစာင္၊ မဂၢဇင္းကလဲ ၃၀ ၀န္းက်င္ဆုိေတာ့ ပုံနွိပ္မီဒီယာ အေရတြက္ က အေတာ္မ်ားေနပါျပီ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အဲဒီ သတင္းစာ၊ ဂ်ာနယ္၊ မဂၢဇင္းေတြအားလုံးက အမ်ားျပည္သူ လုိ ခ်င္တဲ့ သတင္းအခ်က္လက္ေတြ၊ ဗဟုသုတေတြေပးနုိင္ရဲ့လားဆုိတာကေတာ့ ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ဖို႔လုိေနဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တခါ သတင္းစာ ၁၆ ေစာင္စလုံးဟာ ရန္ကုန္မွာပဲထုတ္ေ၀တာျဖစ္ျပီး နယ္ျမိဳ႔ေတြကိုကုိယ္စားျပဳတဲ့ သတင္းစာ မေတြ႔မိေသးပါ။ ေနာက္တခ်က္ေတာ့ အခုသတင္းစာ ၁၆ ေစာင္ဟာ နုိင္ငံတကာရွိ သတင္း စာတုိက္ေတြလုိ ၀ဘ္ဆုိက္ရွိမရွိ၊ သတင္းေတြကို စာနဲ႔ဓာတ္ပုံတြဲျပီးေဖၚျပတာအျပင္ ဗီြဒီယုိ ကလင့္ ေတြ၊ အေရးေပၚသတင္းေတြကို မီနစ္ပုိင္းအလုိက္အခ်ိန္မွီ တင္ျပနုိင္ဖုိ႔ရွိ မရွိ မေသခ်ာေသးပါ။ ေနာက္ ထပ္အေရးၾကီးတဲ့တခ်က္ကေတာ့ သတင္းစာ ၁၆ ေစာင္စလုံးဟာ ျမန္မာဘာသာနဲ႔ထုတ္တာျဖစ္တဲ့ အတြက္ နုိင္ငံတကာအဆင့္မွီ အဂၤလိပ္ဘာသာနဲ႔ ထုတ္တဲ့သတင္းစာမ်ဳိး လုိေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ေနာက္ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာေတြဖက္ကုိလွည့္မယ္ဆုိရင္ အစိုးရပုိင္၊ စစ္တပ္ပုိင္ ေရဒီယုိနဲ႔ ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကား လုိင္း ၂ ခု။ ပုဂၢလိကပုိင္ Sky-net နဲ႔ MRTV4။ ျပီးေတာ့ ျပည္ပေန၀င္လာတဲ့ DVB, VOA, RFA TV နဲ႔ BBC ေရဒီယုိေတြ။ ဧရာ၀တီနဲ႔ မဇ်ိမလုိ အြန္လုိင္းသတင္းစာေတြ (မဇ်ိမက ေန႔စဥ္သတင္းစာထုတ္မယ္ လို႔ ေၾကျငာထားပါတယ္)၊ အားလုံးေပါင္းလုိက္ရင္ အသံလႊင့္မီဒီယာနဲ႔ အြန္လိုင္းမီဒီယာအေရတြက္က လဲ သိပ္မနဲလွ။

ဒါေပမဲ့ အမ်ားျပည္သူလုိခ်င္တဲ့ သတင္းအခ်က္လက္ေတြ၊ ဗဟုသုတေတြေပးနုိင္ရဲ့လားဆိုတာက ေတာ့ ဆက္လက္ေဆြးေႏြးသင့္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းအျဖစ္ရွိေနဆဲပါ။ အထူးသျဖင့္ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္ ၂၀ ကာလအ တြင္း စစ္အစုိးရကိုျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ေ၀ဖန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ျပည္ပအေျခစိုက္ ဒီမုိကေရစီလုိလားတဲ့ မီဒီယာေတြ ဟာ အခုခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္း ျပန္၀င္ခြင့္ရေရးအတြက္ အစုိးရကို သိပ္မေ၀ဖန္ေတာ့ဘူးလုိ႔ေ၀ဖန္ခံ ေနရပါတယ္။ ျပည္ပအေျစခုိက္ မီဒီယာတခုဆုိရင္ လက္ရွိအစိုးရကုိ မေ၀ဖန္တဲ့အျပင္ အစိုးရရဲ့၀ါဒ ျဖန္႔ခ်ီေရးသတင္းေတြကိုေတာင္ တဆင့္ခံျပန္လႊင့္ေပးေနရတဲ့ ျပန္ၾကားေရးဌာန လက္ေ၀ခံသေဘာမ်ဳိး ေတာင္ ျဖစ္သြားတယ္ဆုိျပီး ေ၀ဖန္သံေတြၾကားေနရပါတယ္။

ဆုိေတာ့ မီဒီယာ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ကို အသံက်ယ္စြာေတာင္းဆုိေနတဲ့ စတုတၳမ႑ိဳင္၀န္ထမ္းေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ မီဒီယာသမားတဦးခ်င္းစီမွာေကာ သတင္းသမားတဦးရဲ့ ဘက္မလုိက္တဲ့၊ သမာသမတ္ရွိတဲ့ စံခ်ိန္စံညႊန္းေတြ၊ အတတ္ပညာဆုိင္ရာ အရည္ေသြးေတြ စံခ်ိန္မွီ ျပည့္၀ေနပါရဲ့လား။ အစိုးရနဲ႔ အာဏာ ပုိင္ေတြ၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္နဲ႔နုိင္ငံေရးပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ တပ္မေတာ္နဲ႔ လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ႔ေတြ အပါ၀င္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး၊ ဥပေဒျပဳေရး၊ တရားစီရင္ေရးဆုိတဲ့ မ႑ိဳင္္ၾကီး ၃ ခုကို ဘက္မလုိက္ပဲ၊ မေၾကာက္-မဖားပဲ တာ၀န္သိစြာေ၀ဖန္ရဲတဲ့သတၱိရွိၾကပါရဲ့လား။ နုိင္ငံတကာ မီဒီယာေလာက၊ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းနုိင္ငံေတြရဲ့ မီဒီ ယာေလာက ၀န္ထမ္းေတြနဲ႔နႈိင္းယွဥ္ရင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ မီဒီယာသမားေတြရဲ့အေနထားက ဘယ္အဆင့္ ေလာက္မွာ ရွိေနသလဲဆုိတာကုိ ဆန္းစစ္ဖုိ႔လိုမယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။

အနွစ္ျပန္ခ်ဳပ္ရရင္ေတာ့ တဖက္မွာ မီဒီယာအခင္းအက်င္းနဲ႔ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္အေရတြက္ တုိးတက္လာ ေအာင္ေတာင္းဆုိတုိက္ပဲြ၀င္သလုိ အျခားတဖက္မွာလဲ မီဒီယာ ပုိင္ရွင္ေတြ၊ ညြန္မႈးေတြ၊ အယ္ဒီတာ ေတြ၊ သတင္းေထာက္ေတြ၊ ကင္မရာမင္းေတြ၊ စက္ဆရာေတြ၊ ၀ဘ္မာစတာေတြ၊ စာျပင္ဆရာေတြ၊ စ သျဖင့္ ေထာင္၊ ေသာင္းခ်ီရွိေနတဲ့ မီဒီယာ၀န္ထမ္း တဦးခ်င္းရဲ့ အရည္ခ်င္းေတြလဲ တျပိဳင္းတည္း တုိး တက္လာေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖုိ႔လိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။

မီဒီယာ ၀န္ထမ္းဆုိတာဟာ စား၀တ္ေနေရးအတြက္ လစာရရံု တာ၀န္ေက်လုပ္ရတဲ့အလုပ္မ်ဳိး မဟုတ္။ မီဒီယာသမားပီသစြာ စတုတၳမ႑ိဳင္ရဲ့တာ၀န္ကုိ ယုံယုံၾကည္ၾကည္ က်င့္ၾကံေဆာင္ရြက္ဖုိ႔၊ အမွန္ကို ရဲ၀ံ႔ စြာေထာက္ျပေ၀ဖန္ဖို႔အေရးဟာ ဘယ္အစိုးရပဲတက္တက္ မီဒီယာသမားေတြထမ္းရြက္ရရဲ့ အဓိက တာ ၀န္ပဲ မဟုတ္ပါလား။    ။

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