Exclusive Interview with UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights in Myanmar Part 2

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BNN, 25 December 2021

“These actions designed to instill fear and tighten their control on the country are actually having the opposite (effect).” – Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar
“If the junta thinks that it is going to gain the ground, terrorizing the people. Just the opposite. And it is getting worse and I think may be lost on the military of Myanmar,” said Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar.
In this exclusive interview with Htet Aung Kyaw, BNN, Tom Andrews talked about the worsening situation in Burma after Military Coup on February 1 last year.

BNN: We have talked about the Rohingya who fled to Bengladesh in 2017. Now I’d like to talk about the situation in Burma after military coup at 1st February. According to AAPP, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, over 1,300 civilians were killed by military and, over 11,000 were arrested. How do you see the current situation?

Tom Andrews: It’s bad. It’s showing no sign of getting any better. I am very concerned about troop deployment /build-up in Chin State, Sagaing and other areas in which we’ve seen the increased activities. The junta shows no sign in taking and providing Myanmar people with any relief on its assaults, and the level of brutality, that is involved in its assaults, is just horrific.

I mean, part of it is a way to try instill fear into the people of Myanmar, terrorize the people of Myanmar so that they can try to control the situation, through fear. But what’s actually happening from my reading and my conversations with those in the country is, these acts of brutality and the build up of those military forces and the treating of the Myanmar people as the enemy.

Most militaries, the role of military, for most countries, is to protect people, to be guardians of the country. But in Myanmar, it is just the opposite. The military are attacking the people of Myanmar.

So it is the bad situation. And it is getting worse and I think it may be lost on the military of Myanmar. These actions designed to instill fear and tighten their control on the country are actually having the opposite (effect). It is outraging people more and more and it is steeling their resolve, firming up their resolve in their opposition. And so if the junta thinks that it is going to gain the ground, terrorizing the people, just the opposite.

BNN: Yes, some cases are very severe. For example, the BBC reported a mass grave in Ka-ni in central Burma. May we know your reaction?
Tom Andrews: Just horrible. Just horrible. I mean it’s a remarkable reporting. It’s difficult to get that kind of information.

The junta are like bat group. They thrive in the darkness. They do everything they can to prevent the truth from getting out. They harass and arrest reporters and putting them in prison for the crime of doing their job.

It is just horrific to see this kind of brutality. I mean, the clip of the little girl crying because of the discovery of the body of her grandfather, was heart (breaking). And the disovery of more and more bodies, they were obviously tortured. And then the description of the woman of the village and said that the junta came in and they separated the men and women and then they proceeded to begin their torture. Family witness torture of the family members. This is a pattern that we have seen throughout the country almost the stock and trade of this military, to brutalize.

And I heard the stories when I was in Bangladesh of people who recounted very similar stories, of the military surrounding villages, separating men and women and then just commting horrofic, horrific mass attrocity crimes.

So it’s terrible. It’s heart breaking when you see these children and the trauma that they suffer. It’s almost unspeakable what the heartlessness of this regime.

But the important point here is, this is not done by an errant commander or a few soldiers. This is sysyematic. It’s by design. And therefore it is in my view, clear crime against humanity. Better being committed the evidence of this is widespread. The evidence of torture of people and victims. They are not just killed, they are tortured. They are not just tortured, they are often time done in view of the family members so they try to inflict as much pain and suffering on the people of Myanmar as much possibly they can. Just horrific.

BNN: Yes, these are crimes committed systematically by the military. It’s been over 11 months since the military coup. What can the UN and the international community do more for Burmese people?

Tom Andrews: I think we can do a lot more. You know. Ideally the UN Security Council which takes action which will be a strong resolution passed. There will be a strong package of economic sanctions, weapon embargoes, reference to the international criminal court, so that those responsible for these atrocities could be held fully accountable. But we are not going to see actions by the security council at least any time soon.

What that means is, in my view, that those countries who are willing to act, should act in a stronger fashion and a more coordinated fashion than they are right now. So for example, there are various countries with various degrees of sanctions, various types of sanction.

What I think is necessary is to take those nations. Sit down and take a look at the revenue streams going into the junta.

Identify the largest groups and then target them for systematic, coordinated sanctions so that all the countries of the world are willing to impose the sanctions. Do so in a coordinated focused way so that they have the biggest possible impact, the same with arms embargo. Making sure that weapons and do use technology, technology that can be weaponised, if you will, can all be targeted.

Other mechanisms, unversal jurisdiction laws. those can be used. But I think what’s required is this kind of action that we have yet to see because it’s the only thing that’s going to have any chance of working. You are not going to be able to use reason or a moral argument with the junta. I think the only thing that you going to be able to do is to say this is not just sustainable. We are not going to allow you to get away with it. Your revenue stream is flowing into your pocket which means to the most to them. It’s going to be cut off. ‘And unless and until we do that kind of tough focused coordinated sanctions, I think this regime’s going to continue with its reign of terror on the people of Myanmar.

BNN: Many activists critize the UN, you have already known it, that UN is giving just voice, statement of concern but not action. So they armed themselves to protect. There are bigger arm struggle in Burma now. As an UN official, what do you want to say to the young people?

Tom Andrews: I want to say that I feel terribly sorry for all, for the hell that you are experiencing. Horrific. The hardship, the horrific attacks, the threats, the terror that’s been imposed on you at the hand of this brutal military regime. But I also want to tell you that you are a great source of inspiration. Your courage, your tenacity, your commitment to standing up to this terror. It’s trully awe-inspiring. So you are not alone. We are there. We are focused on what’s going on in Myanmar. The world needs to pay, in my view, greater attention. The world owes you stronger action.

The future of Myanmar is in your hands. But you need harder, you need the support of the international community in order to be successful. And I as one individual and there are many, many of us outside of Myanmar, are committed to doing everything that is possible to provide with the support you need and deserve to prevail.

Yes I know it is frustrating. I know this takes time. But we are working. We are committing ourselves to action and we are following your example of working hard and standing up, being tenacious and creative. You have my deepest admiration and appreciation and know that you are not alone.

BNN: Finally, what is your view on the future direction of Burma amid those crisis? Is there any posible negotiation by the international community? Or is it heading to a civil war? What is your suggestion to those who are involved in the revolution and the international community?

Tom Andrews: I think we need to make it clear that this assault on the people of Myanmar is not sustainable. And they are simply not going to be able to get away with it. Until they understand that, I think, a little prospect of this downward spiral of change in any time soon.

Listen, when that coup occurred, the reforms that were overturned, as modest as they might have been, they were created not because the junta decided one day that it wanted to create openess, transparency, to get moving in the direction of democracy because they thought that it was the right thing to do. They did it because they felt they had to. They did it because of pressure by the international community.

So we know that pressure has in it. What we need to see is stronger, more focused, more intensive pressure in order to overcome this huge obstacle that the Myanmar people are facing. So that is what I think needs to happen. And until it does, well let me put in a more positive way, when it does, when we can achieve that kind of intensity and focus, then I think that we are going to see the kind of progress that the Myanmar people need and deserve.

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Exclusive Interview with UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights in Myanmar Part 1

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BNN, 23 December 2021

“Accountability is key because it was the lack of the accountability that it really led to their belief, it appears to me, that they could commit these attrocity and crimes, and think that they can get away with it. It is extremely important that they’ll be held accountable.” – Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights in Myanmar.

Myanmar military burnt down houses and killed people and so a million of Rohongya fled to Bangladesh in 2017. Those who committed the crimes must be held accountable, said Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights in Myanmar.

Htet Aung Kyaw, BNN, had an Exclusive Interview with him who recently went to the Rohingya camps.

BNN: Mingalabar! First, I would like to ask you about your trip to Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh. Can you please tell us about their situation?
Tom Andrews: I just literally stepped off an aeroplane from my trip to Bangladesh and very eager to learn of perspective and see the condition of approximately one million Rohingya who are living in Bangladesh most of them to run for their lives from genocidal attacks on 2017 in Rakhine State.
And so that was my mission. And to use that information to provide analysis to the human rights council of the UN and as well as update to them and write recommendations.
So it was a very short trip, a little over a week and a very intensive trip.

We travelled to camps in Cox’s Bazaar district. I travelled to Bhasan Char island, taking three hour boat trip back over and a three hour boat trip back, appreciation of how long it takes to the island, to the remotess of the island. And then we spent time trying to understand exactly where people were coming from and their goals and their aspirations and it was very very good trip and it was a very informative trip. So I can talk to you about some the particulars about the trip if you like but that is the overview of what we did and where we went.

BNN: So far as we know, there are nearly one million Rohingya out there. How are the UN Agencies helping them?

Tom Andrews: Well, … , most of the refugees are in the Cox’s Bazaar district. And I went to Kutabalong camp, as a matter of fact, I spent time in camp one there and well I visited many many places including a market that had been destroyed, other market stalls and shops that were there had been taken down.

I went to speak with the family of Mohibullah who of course was assasinated in September this year, met his widow and family members. I went to the office of his organisation. I stood in the spot where he was murdered. It was a very powerful powerful moment and it kind of underscores the security issues that face the Rohingya community particulatly in the camp. I talked about the security concerns that they had.

So the conditions there are challenging, difficult. There, a number of specific areas were identified; the need for a much better education opportunities for young people. I learnt that over half of the Rohingya population there is under 18 years of age.

And the education that provided is not adequate to meet the needs of these people. in the areas in which there needs to be strengthened or comprehensive opportunities for young people to learn and to get education in the language, of Burmese language, and to have education assessed and certified and, so that the kids can receive their grades and receive certifications of the accomplishments of what level of education they achieved and to be able to use those when they return to Myanmar, so that their education is recognised and accredited when they return. So these are all things, important priorities, for the Rohingya community.

I learn about a pilot program, approximately 400 students who’ve been taught in a program that just does that, pushed the Burmese language in the education programme, that will be an actual, a Burmese curriculum.

But there is still no assesent and in class the instruction is only two hours per week. So there is less, obviously, than what these young students need and what their parents need and I would like to see them have.

So healthcare and other areas are of the concern, the need for a better access to healthcare, livelihood opportunities, being able to earn a living, young people being able to develop skills, so that they can translate them into jobs that pay a decent amount, and all of these are building blocks of a successful repatriation back to Myanmar. And everyone that I talked to, with very few exceptions, among the Rohingya community, when I asked them what the most important goal it was, without question, to return home, to return to Myanmar.

But of course, that can only happen when it could be done in a safe, dignified way and in a way that is sustainable. And under current situation in Myanmar, strictly speaking, it’s not the case.

BNN: Yes, they want to go home. But, for their return, do you see any particular plan from both sides; Bangladesh and Burmese military?

Tom Andrews: There is no particular plan to return at this point because the condition simply don’t allow it. We need to be doing more to apply a much higher stronger degree of pressure on Myanmar military to create the condition where they will be a just and safe environment in which people can return into.

Until that happens, it really can’t happen. As a matter of fact, the only reservations that people had about going home was, the fact that even if they were assured by Min Aung Hlaing and the military junta, that they will be safe and that they could return. They said: how could we believe, how could we trust the very man who commanded the troops that unleasehed these genocidal attacks? How could we believe in what he said? ‘You can return,’ if he ever says we can return.

So they are in a situation that is not, by the stretch of any imagination, ideal. They are living under a challenging condition, primarily, they are living away from home. But we need to stand with them. Make sure that they know that they are not alone. I want to make sure that they understood that they are not forgotten.

I want to learn and understand where they are coming from. And also, of course, it means that we need to make sure that we keep efforts going strong to stand up for all the people of Myanmar who are living under such terrible, terrible conditions under this military. So those two fronts are going to be so important.

BNN: Before the refugees returning home, what kind of actions can the UN and the international community do to the military junta which committed abuses on the Rohingyas?

Tom Andrews: Well, they can do two basic things. One, is to assure that the services, that are needed to live a decent life in exile as refugees, are maintained. The areas that are identified by the Rohingya community: Number one, security. Two, educational opportunities. Three, healthcare. Four, livelihood opportunities. And particulatly for those living on Bacholong island to make sure that the principles embedded in memorandum of understanding between the Banhladesh government and the UN, particularly volunteers and freedom of movement. Those principles are adhered to and respected. So those are the areas identified to me by the Rohingya community that were among those that are the most important.

BNN: I mean, besides those kinds of helping the refugees, taking actions on Min Aung Hlaing and the Burmese military leaders who committed those crimes, how will the UN and international community punish the military, such as trial at the ICC or ICJ?

Tom Andrews: Accountability is key because it was the lack of the accountability that it really led to their belief, it appears to me, that they could commit these atrocious crimes and think that they can get away with it. It is extremely important that they’ll be held accountable. There are various mechanisms, accountability mechanisms, that are available. We need to take advantage of all of them and seize those options. The international crimibal court being one. Universal jurisdiction laws that exist in various countries. The applications of those will be another. The IIMM mechanism (Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar) whereby the evidence that can be used in a court of law, can be, will be accumulated systematically and prepared, systematically they can be used in a court of law. The ICJ, the International Court of Justice, as you mentioned, another. Very important process in which to look into the crime of genocide.

So all of these machanisms are important. And the other is the need to apply increased pressures on the military. To squeeze the revenue resources that enable them to continue the assault on Myanmar people, as well as cutting off access to weapons. Those are the things that the UN and member states of the UN can achieve.

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Far from Home: 20 Years in Exile.

BOOKS FROM AND ABOUT BURMA

I should mention that those books presented were/are printed in small editions only and are more or less available in Mae Sot and Chiang Mai only. Good places to buy them are Myat Thu's Aiya Restaurant and The Best Friend Library in Mae Sot, also the Best Friend Libraries in Chiang Mai and Nu PO Refugee camp. One can also try any used book store in Thailand. And finally: You can contact the publishers or the authors of the books, for I added all available information below each book.

Legal note: all excerpts on this page are published with explicit permission of the authors and/or publishers.

Sorry, von dieser Seite gibt es diesmal keine deutschsprachige Version, da von den Büchern keine deutschen Übersetzungen existieren.

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Far from home: 20 years in exile

In this book the author Htet Aung Kyaw tells us about his personal experiences as a rebel fighter for the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDC), which he joined after the military crackdown on the uprising against the junta in August 1988, and of his life as a reporter. He describes the inner conflicts between the different Burmese opposition groups as well as between the several social classes, eg. the problems and conflicts between those who decided to stay in Burma and to fight the military regime and those groups of educated people who fled the country and were accused of enjoying a happy life outside Burma (mainly in the US, Norway and Australia) and just waiting for the others to topple the government. The book also offers several analyses and appraisals he has written over the years for several newspapers and magazines.

The first excerpt I chose is a little bit unusal for the book. Why? Because it describes the clash of two different worlds when the rebel camp, where Htet Aung Kyaw was living at that time, was visited by an official of the International Refugee Committee (IRC). This woman had obviously no idea about the situation of these rebel fighters and their struggle to survive in a civil war area. One can only hope that this incompetence and stupid behavior by this IRC official is an exception and is not the rule!

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(first chapter, from page 5 to 7)
...with an official from the International Refugee Committee (IRC). We passed the beautiful beaches and the popular Ban Laau Waterfall and finally reached the last Thai village, Khauung Yai (The Big Mountain) before our jungle camp. As we walked along the stream to our camp, the lady from the IRC, seeing the paper, plastics and food waste the students had thrown into the water, began complaining to me that we did  not respect the enviroment.

When we stopped for lunch along the way, we washed our hands and dishes in the stream as we did every day. But the IRC official complained again and again that the ABSDF were not respecting enviromental law. As a burmese rebel, I had never heard of enviromental law so I just smiled and paid no attention to her complaints. Once we arrived at the camp the, the IRC official exclaimed loudly when I offered her monkey curry for dinner. "You guys are killers. You have killed innocent wildlife. You are destroying the enviroment and nature," she shouted and spent the whole night crying.

We had no idea why she was so angry. The next morning, some students shot a monkey in a big tree just beside the camp and others used the monkey's hand bone as a tool to make Yazin (cigarettes). "How can you complain? If you don't want us to kill monkeys, you should provide us with proper food, meat and milk - you are the donor," I told her.

She was really upset now but we just laughed as we didn't understand her feelings. I heard later that she wrote an official letter of complaint to the ABSDF headquarters saying that battalions 201 and 203 were destroying the enviroment and forest wildlife. If we did not stop, she wrote, the IRC would cut our aid...

...It was only when I arrived at Norway that I truly understood her feelings. There are many ducks in the public lakes and beaches but no one tried to catch them. I learned that there are many regulations to protect wild animals, but more importantly, no one thinks to kill these animals as no one is hungry here.

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The second excerpt I chose is in strong contrast to the ivory tower views of the IRC offical and the brutal reality the rebel fighters were confronted with in their fight against the military government forces. (Still one can observe a lot of those so-called experts and starry-eyed-idealists running around at the Thai-Burmese border (and now also inside Myanmar) who have absolutely no idea what's going on.)

(second chapter, page 11)
...I don't know the exact number of casualities on our side, but I am certain that it was only one or two percent of those suffered by the Burmese troops. With my own eyes I saw hundreds of bodies, hand granades, helmets, ID cards, guns and knives of Burmese soldiers scattered in front of our frontline bunkers, in a place we called the killing ground...

...Soldiers from the ASBDF's battalion 211 and the Karen National Liberatioon Army (KNLA) Special Batallion 101 led by colonel Taw Hla built heavily fortified bunkers along enemy lines while a number of normal bunkers were built along the river. We built three barbed wire fences in front of the fortified bunkers and three rows of bamboo traps...

...But unbelievably, although everything was in our favour, hundreds of Burmese soldiers tried to advance on the killing ground in wave after wave while their comrades ordered artillery shelling of our bunkers. Most of the fighting took place in the early morning and evening. All we needed to do was sit and wait in our bunkers until the enemy reached the last line of barbed wire, then pull the triggers of our AK-47s. It was so hard to understand why the waves  of Burmese soldiers kept on coming in the killing ground even though they had seen hundreds of their comrades killed before them...

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About the author:
Htet Aung Kyaw, a freelance journalist  and writer, was born 1964 in Tavoy in southern Burma. After the crackdown of the 8.8.88 democracy mass movement in Burma he joined the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF). Later he worked as a field reporter for Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB).  He still lives in Oslo, Norway.
Momentarily he is working on his new book about his life in the ABSDF , this time in Burmese, and prepares to publish it in Myanmar (or Burma, as he prefers to call his country). He also writes for the Irrawaddy Online Magazine.

Published by:
Htet Aung Kyaw

Contact:
Tel:+47 97 15 50 74 (mobile)
e-mail: winhtein201@gmail.com
http://www.htetaungkyaw.net/
http://facebook.com/htetaungkyaw201
twitter: @hak201

Copyright:
December 2008
Htet Aung Kyaw

Layout and Design:
Irrawaddy Publishing Group (IPG)

This book review is from .....
***(Copy from http://yanawa.blogspot.no/2013/03/books-from-and-about-burma.html)***


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Some articles in English.

A TURNING POINT FOR BURMA’S FIGHTING FORCES

5:18 AM  HTET AUNG KYAW  1 COMMENT

By HTET AUNG KYAW| March 26, 2013 | THE IRRAWADDY

Tomorrow is the 68th anniversary of Burma’s “Anti-Fascist Revolution Day,” which marks the beginning of the uprising against Japan’s WWII occupation of the country on March 27, 1945. Since the 1970s, however, it has been commemorated as Tatmadaw Day, in honor of Burma’s armed forces.

Although the role of the armed forces in Burma’s colonial and post-independence history has been controversial, this year’s Tatmadaw Day may be an occasion for change. When Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief Vice Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing delivers his speech tomorrow, he may have a different message.

Traditionally, Tatmadaw Day has been an occasion for the commander-in-chief to call on his troops to defend the country against rebel armies and Western neocolonialism. This year, however, there is not much fighting on the ethnic rebel front (with the very notable exception of the conflict with the Kachin Independence Army), and the countries of the West (especially the US and Australia) have begun to renew ties with Burma’s long-shunned military.

During his recent trips to Europe and Australia, President Thein Sein was accompanied by Deputy Commander-in-Chief Gen Soe Win and Joint Chief of Command Gen Hla Htay Win. This fact alone speaks volumes for the dramatic change in the West’s image of Burma’s armed forces since Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian government came to power two years ago, ending nearly five decades of direct military rule. Not so long ago, all three men would have been banned from entering most Western countries.

Especially since opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy joined the army-backed Parliament after winning in by-elections last April 1, perceptions of Burma’s military have fundamentally changed. Even Suu Kyi—who spent much of the preceding two decades a prisoner of the former junta—has recently spoken of her “fondness” for the Burmese armed forces, which were founded by her father during Burma’s struggle for independence.

What is even more remarkable, however, if the way that many of Burma’s ethnic armed groups have responded to the government’s calls for ceasefires, even as the situation on the ground in many ethnic areas remains far from stable. While there are still many who doubt that a lasting peace will take hold anytime soon, just two years ago it would have been almost unthinkable that the Karen National Union—which has been engaged in an uninterrupted war with the government for as long as Burma has been a modern nation—would ever agree to a truce.

In other words, this Tatmadaw Day could conceivably be the last that Burma’s armed forces—and all the other militias in the country—are forced to fight each other in a seemingly endless civil war. If that is the case, then all of the fighting forces in Burma need to rethink their roles and plan for a future in which war in no longer the norm.

On the occasion of this year’s Armed Forces Day, then, I offer the following suggestions:

1.    All armed groups, including the Tatmadaw, should undergo sweeping reforms that include training their troops to be professional soldiers whose orders ultimately come from the country’s elected civilian government.

2.    All armed forces should devote a significant portion of their budgets to caring for comrades wounded in action and the families of those who fell while fighting.

3.    All armed forces should build monuments to honor those who fought honorably.

4.    The government, Parliament and people of Burma should recognize the sacrifices of all those who died in action, regardless of which side they were on.

It is impossible to calculate how many soldiers have died in Burma over the past 65 years, but we can get some sense of the incredible waste of human life if we consider the fact that the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front, one of the smallest armed groups in the country, has lost 1,024 troops since it was formed in the aftermath of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. Imagine, then, how many others must have died as casualties of all the armed groups that have fought in Burma since it became an independent nation.

National reconciliation will only be possible when all sides in Burma’s myriad conflicts can begin to recognize that they are not the only victims of the senseless cycle of violence that has dragged the country down for more than half a century.

Htet Aung Kyaw is a former student activist who fled to Burma’s ethnic rebel-controlled areas in 1988. He is now a freelance journalist and writer in exile.

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ETHNIC HARMONY NEEDED FOR BURMA’S REFORMS TO SUCCEED

4:37 AM  HTET AUNG KYAW  NO COMMENTS

By HTET AUNG KYAW| February 1, 2013 | 

The Irrawaddy.

The ongoing conflict in Kachin State and last year’s deadly clashes in Arakan State have cast a harsh light on one of the greatest challenges facing Burma as its moves toward reform: the need for ethnic harmony.

“Burma needs not only democracy but also ethnic rights,” says Kyaw Kyaw, a commander of the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front-Northern Burma (ABSDF-NB), an ally of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), speaking from the KIA headquarters in Laiza.

“’Democracy and ethnic rights must go side by side. Democracy cannot live without ethnic harmony,” adds the former student activist, recalling an ABSDF slogan from the 1990s, when the group allied itself with various ethnic armies after fleeing the crackdown on nationwide pro-democracy protests in 1988.

In fact, this was not only a slogan of the ABSDF, but also of all the groups belonging to the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), formed in Manerplaw, the former headquarters of the Karen National Union. It brought together not only the KNU and the KIA, but also political organizations and ethnic armies representing Burma’s Mon, Karenni, Shan, Pa-o, Palong, Lahu, Wa, Chin and Arakanese minorities.

However, the DAB, which had called for a tripartite dialogue between the then ruling junta, democratic opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic minorities, suffered a setback in 1994 when the KIA signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese army without the approval of other members.

The New Mon State Party and some other groups later followed the KIA’s example in making deals with the regime, but the KNU, the Karenni National Progressive Party and the Shan State Army-South continued to fight until last year, when they signed agreements following Suu Kyi’s historic electoral victory in by-elections last May.

Now the KIA stands alone again, this time as the only major ethnic armed groups that is still fighting the Burmese army.

Civil War and Ethnic Rights

For people living in Rangoon, Mandalay or Naypyidaw, it can be difficult to understand the importance of “ethnic rights,” or even what this term means.

But if you visit ethnic areas, particularly those under the control of ethnic armed groups, you will readily understand why they feel a need to fight against the Burmese army, more that 60 years after Burma achieved its independence.

Few of these places, however, are accessible to foreigners or even Burmese holding foreign passports. And for ordinary Burmese to venture into any of these areas is to risk arrest and imprisonment under Article 17/1 of the Unlawful Associations Act, which prohibits contact with organizations deemed to be  threat to state security.

Although most rebel groups have signed ceasefire agreements since reforms began in 2011, this law remains in force, ensuring that most Burmese will never risk communicating with ethnic armed groups or even people living within their territories. This is deeply unfortunate, as it prevents people from Burma’s cities from ever gaining an understanding of why ethnic rights mean so much to many of their fellow citizens.

If we look back at Burma’s history, we can see that the country would never have become independent without the common assent of the Burman majority and the ethnic minorities. It was the Panglong Agreement, signed by Gen Aung San and leaders of the Shan, Kachin and Chin peoples on Feb. 12, 1947 (and commemorated on that day every year as Burma’s Union Day) that paved the way for independence the following year.

It was the failure of subsequent Burman-dominated governments (particularly the military regimes that ruled from 1962 until 2011) to honor this agreement that caused Burma to fall into civil war, according to the KIA and many other ethnic armed groups, who continue to call for a restoration of the “Panglong Spirit.”


Who Cares about Ethnic Rights?

After Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) joined the army-dominated Parliament last year, many people felt that Burma had finally won some democratic rights. But despite this, and despite the presence in Parliament of ethnic minority parties that contested in the 2010 election, it is still far from clear if the democratic rights of ethnic minorities are adequately represented in Burma.

Indeed, the issue of ethnic rights does not appear to be high on anybody’s agenda in Naypyidaw, despite the events of last year. Suu Kyi has been notably silent on this issue, confining her comments on the Kachin conflict, for instance, to calls for both sides to stop fighting.

Traditionally, people in urban areas, including politicians, are reluctant to talk about ethnic rights. They are especially wary of discussing federalism—something close to the hearts of Burma’s ethnic minorities. After half a century of military rule, federalism is seen by many Burmese as a veiled attempt to divide the country.

There are some, however, who have tried to tackle the ethnic issue head on. Recently, the 88 Generation Students group sent a delegation to the KIA stronghold of Laiza to assess the situation there. They also offered to help the government negotiate an end to the conflict, but have so far received no response from Naypyidaw.

The government, it seems, is only interested in moving forward with its own negotiating team, led by President’s Office Minister Aung Min. But even as Aung Min calls for talks, the Burmese army continues shelling KIA positions near Laiza, casting doubt on the sincerity of the government’s desire for a negotiated end to the conflict.

What about the international community? Does it care about the aspirations of Burma’s ethnic minorities?
So far, most foreign governments and organizations seem more interested in keeping up the momentum of political and economic reforms, and have paid little attention to the core demands of minorities. Some have expressed concern about the conflict in Kachin State, but few recognize the underlying causes of the unrest.

For its part, Burma’s military has tried to block any discussion of the issue of ethnic rights by urging the international community to focus on what it calls “terrorist actions and atrocities committed by the KIA.”

All of this bodes ill for Burma’s prospects of reform. Until all stakeholders start working together to achieve meaningful progress in restoring ethnic harmony, the chances of achieving lasting peace and prosperity will be very slim.

Htet Aung Kyaw is a former student activist who fled to ethnic rebel-controlled areas in 1988. He is now a freelance journalist and writer in exile.

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Thein Sein Meets Burmese in Norway

By THE IRRAWADDY| Thursday, February 28, 2013 | 

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Burmese President Thein Sein, left, meets with Norway’s Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg in Oslo on Feb. 26, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

Burmese President Thein Sein met with members of Norway’s Burmese community on Wednesday, urging them to return to their native country, while also expressing gratitude to his hosts for supporting his reform efforts.

“The reason I chose Norway to be my first stop is because Norway has helped our people and country in terms of education, health care and support for environmental conservation,” he said during his five-minute speech.

He also thanked the Norwegian government for clearing Burma of the 3 billion Norwegian krone (US $527 million) debt that it owes the oil-rich Scandinavian country.

After decades of isolation, Burma can now begin to rebuild itself with low-interest loans from multilateral lenders such as the International Monetary Fund and the Asian Development Bank, thanks to Norway and other countries that have forgiven Burma’s debts, he said.

Thein Sein also spoke about his government’s latest talks with the Kachin Independence Army, saying that he aims to go beyond ceasefire talks to begin a political dialogue that would, he said, protect the rights of ethnic minorities under the Constitution.

Speaking to around 80 members of Norway’s Burmese community, he also reiterated his call to exiles to return to their home country to contribute to the task of nation building.

“Wherever you live now, you are all people of Burma. We may not all be the same, but we all have a common love of our country. Therefore it is time to put aside our differences and work for the good of the Union,” he said.

After the brief meeting, President’s Office Minister Soe Thane and Deputy Information Minister Ye Htut took questions from the audience. Soe Thane said the public should support the president because he is leading democratic reforms.

On his three-day official visit to Norway, Thein Sein met with Norwegian Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg and Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide and held a press conference after their meeting on Feb. 26.

He will leave from Norway to continue to his 12-day European tour, which which will also include trips to Finland, Austria, Germany and Italy.

During the press conference, he said that his government wants to reduce armed conflict, and is therefore offering peace-building with the ethnic armed groups. His administration has reached  ceasefires agreements with 10 out o 11 ethnic armed groups in less than two years.

Then Sein also “invited Norwegian companies to invest in the energy, information and technology sectors,” according to the state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar.

Htet Aung Kyaw contributed reporting from Norway.

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