Thursday, July 24, 2014

ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသတင္းသမားတဦးရဲ့ ဒုိင္ယာရီ ၂၀

ရတ္ခ်ပူရီ ေဆးရံုကုိ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြ ၀င္စီးျပန္ျပီ

ရန္သူေဟာင္းေတြနဲ႔လက္ဆဲြနႈတ္ဆက္လုိ႔ေကာင္းတုန္း၊ က်ေနာ္အမွတ္ မမွားဘူးဆုိရင္ ဘန္ေကာက္ မွာက်င္းပတဲ့ အာဆီယံေဒသ ခရီးသြားလာမႈ ဖံံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးေဆြးေႏြးပဲြအတြင္း ျမန္မာဟုိတယ္နဲ႔ ခရီး၀န္ႀကီး ကုိ အင္တာဗ်ဳးလုပ္ၿပီး ေနာက္တတရက္ မနက္ေစာေစာမွာ “နန္စူစန္ဖမားေတြက ရတ္ခ်ပူရီေဆး႐ံုကုိ ၀င္ စီးထားျပန္ၿပီ” ဆုိတဲ့သတင္း ထုိင္း TV မွာ စၾကားလုိက္ရတာပါ။

(သံရံုးသိမ္းေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကုိေဂ်ာ္နီနွင့္ ေဆးရံုသိမ္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကုိေဗဒါတုိ႔ကုိ တျခား ၂ ဦးနဲ့အတူ ေတြ႔ရစဥ္)

မနီလြိဳင္က ေက်ာင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ KNU ၿမိတ္-ထား၀ယ္ခရိုင္က သတင္းရပ္ကြက္ေတြကို ဖုန္းဆက္ ေမး ျမန္းေပမယ့္ ဘာမွအတိအက်မရပါ။ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွ ျပန္သိရတာကေတာ့ ၂၀၀၀ ျပည့္နွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ဆန္းပုိင္းကစၿပီး သံရံုးသိမ္းေက်ာင္းသားအဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကိုေဂ်ာ္နီတုိ႔ စြမ္းအားျမင့္ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္း သားစစ္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႔ (VBSW) နဲ႔ ဘုရားသခင္တပ္မေတာ္ (God Army) စခန္းရိွရာ ကမာပု ေလာေဒသဆီ န၀တတပ္ေတြက အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ထုိးစစ္ဆင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ လက္နက္ႀကီး အလြန္အကြ်ံ သုံးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ ထုိင္းဘက္ကလည္း သူတုိ႔နယ္ထဲဆုတ္ခြင့္မေပးဘဲ န၀တ နဲ႔ေပါင္းၿပီး တုိက္တဲ့ သေဘာေတာင္ရွိခဲ့တယ္လို႔ နယ္စပ္ေနသူေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဒီအတြက္ ဒဏ္ရာရလူနာက မ်ားျပား၊ ေဆး၀ါးက မလုံေလာက္၊ ကြ်မ္းက်င္ေဆးမႉးကလည္း မရွိတာနဲ႔ ေနာက္ဆုံးႀကံရာမရျဖစ္ၿပီး ထုိင္းနုိင္ငံထဲ ဆရာ၀န္ရွာဖုိ႔ ထြက္လာရာကေန ရတ္ခ်ပူရီေဆး႐ံုဆီ ေရာက္ လာတာျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ သူတုိ႔နဲ႔ နီးစပ္သူေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သတင္းစၾကားၾကားခ်င္းေတာ့ ဒါေတြကိုမသိပါဘူး။ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြ ေဆးရံုကိုသိမ္းျပန္ၿပီဆုိေတာ့ ကိုေဂ်ာ္နီတုိ႔ လက္ခ်က္ပဲျဖစ္မွာ ပဲလုိ႔ မွန္းၿပီး ရတ္ခ်ပူရီကုိသြားဖုိ႔ အျမန္ႀကိဳးစားရပါတယ္။

ႀကိဳးစားတယ္ဆုိေပမယ့္ ေရွ႕မွာတင္ျပခဲ့တဲ့အတုိင္း ျမန္မာစာအုပ္အတုတခုကလဲြၿပီး သတင္းေထာက္ ဆုိင္ရာ သက္ေသခံအေထာက္ထား ဘာမွမရွိ။ အရင္က နီးစပ္ခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့၊ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီအင္အားစု ေတြကို ကူညီခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ ထုိင္းေထာက္လွမ္းေရးေတြကလည္း သံရံုးစီးနင္းမႈျဖစ္စဥ္ ထူးထူးရွယ္သတင္းပုိ႔ၿပီး ကတည္းက က်ေနာ္တုိ႔နဲ႔ ကိုေဂ်ာ္နီတုိ႔နဲ႔အဆက္သြယ္ရွိတယ္ထင္ျပီး က်ေနာ္ကုိမယုံေတာ့ပါ။ ဒီေတာ့ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးအကူညီန႔ဲအရင္လုိ နယ္စပ္သြားဖုိ႔ မျဖစ္နုိင္ေတာ့။

ဒီလုိႀကံရမရျဖစ္ေနတုန္း မေန႔က သတင္းစာရွင္းပဲြမွာ အတူတူ သတင္းတက္ယူခဲ့သူ (အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က RFA မွာ ယာယီတာ၀န္ထမ္းေနၿပီး အခု BBC ျမန္မာပုိင္းအစီစဥ္မႈးတာ၀န္ယူထားသူ) ေဒၚတင္ထား ေဆြနဲ႔ အဆက္သြယ္ရလုိက္ပါတယ္။ RFA ဗီယက္နမ္ဌာနက သတင္းေထာက္တဦး၊ ထုိင္းကားဆရာ၊ ေဒၚတင္ထားေဆြနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ၄ ဦး ရတ္ခ်ပူရီကုိ ေရာက္ေတာ့ ေန႔လယ္ တနာရီေလာက္ ရွိေနပါၿပီ။ ေဆး႐ံုး၀င္း ၀င္ေပါက္အားလုံးကို ပိတ္ထားၿပီး အားကစားကြင္းရွိတဲ့ဘက္မွာ သတင္းေထာက္ အမ်ား ႀကီးကုိ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္လည္း ဘန္ေကာက္သံ႐ံုး စီးနင္းစဥ္ကလုိမ်ဳိး အင္တာဗ်ဳးမ်ား ရမလား ဆုိၿပီး လက္ကုိင္ဖုန္းတလုံးနဲ႔ ဟိုဆက္ဒီဆက္ လုိက္ေမးခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ဘာအင္တာဗ်ဳးမွ မရလုိက္ပါဘူး။

ညေန ၇ နာရီ ၄၅ မိနစ္ DVB ပထမအႀကိမ္ အသံလႊင့္ခ်ိန္အတြက္ သတင္းပုိ႔တဲ့အထိ အေျခအေနက ဘာမွ သိပ္မထူးျခား။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ညဥ့္နက္လာတာနဲ႔အမွ် ထုိင္းအာဏာပိုင္ေတြဘက္က လႈပ္ရွားမႈဟာ ေစ့စပ္ေဆြးေႏြးေရးထက္ ဖမ္းဆီးၿဖိဳခဲြေရးဘက္ နည္းနည္းယိမ္းလာသလားလုိ႔ သံသယ၀င္စရာ  ျဖစ္ လာေစခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တခါ က်ေနာ္ေဘးမွာရွိေနတဲ့ ထုိင္းသတင္းေထာက္ေတြ အပါအ၀င္ စကား ေျပာခြင့္ရခဲ့တဲ့ ထုိင္းျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕အျမင္ဟာ ဘန္ေကာက္သံ႐ံုး စီးနင္းစဥ္ကနဲ႔ မတူေတာ့ပါ။ ဘန္ ေကာက္သံ႐ံုး စီးနင္းမႈဟာ ျမန္မာအခ်င္းခ်င္းျပႆနာလုိ႔ သူတုိ႔က ျမင္ၾကၿပီး ကိုေဂ်ာ္နီတို႔ အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ လုပ္ ရပ္ကုိ “ဒီး ဒီး” လုိ႔ လက္မ ေထာင္ျပခဲ့သူေတြပါ။

ဒါေပမယ့္ အခု ရတ္ခ်ပူရီ ေဆး႐ံုကိစၥမွာေတာ့ သူတုိ႔အျမင္က အဲဒီလုိမဟုတ္ေတာ့။ ထုိင္းလူမ်ဳိးေတြကို ဒုကၡေပးတဲ့ ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းသားေတြအျဖစ္ ျမင္လာေနပါတယ္။ ေျဖရွင္းသူေတြကလည္း သံ႐ံုးတုန္းက လုိ နုိင္ငံေရးျပႆနာကုိ ကုိင္တြယ္တယ္ဆုိတာထက္ အမ်ဳိးသားလုံၿခံဳေရးျပႆနာအျဖစ္ ရႈျမင္ပုံရၿပီး ကုိင္တြယ္ပုံေျပာင္းသြားတာလည္း ျဖစ္နုိင္ပါတယ္။ ထုိင္းသတင္းေထာက္ေတြ ၾကားမွာလည္း ဒီလုိပါပဲ။ ေဆး႐ံုထဲ TV ႐ုိက္ခြင့္ရတဲ့ ထုိင္းခ်ယ္နယ္က Footage ေတြကို အမ်ဳိးသားလုံၿခံဳေရးအတြက္ဆုိၿပီး လုံၿခံဳ ေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔က အရင္စစ္ေဆးဖုိ႔ေပးလုိက္ပါတယ္။

လုံျခံဳေရးေတြကေန ေဆး႐ံု၀င္းထဲက ေသနတ္သမားေတြနဲ႔ ဓားစာခံ အေျခအေနေတြကို အေသးစိတ္ ေလ့လာၿပီးမွ မီဒီယာမွာျပဖုိ႔ ေပးလုိက္တာကို ျမင္လုိက္ရပါတယ္။ ဆင္ဆာမရွိဘူးဆုိတဲ့ ထုိင္းနုိင္ငံမွာ ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္ကုိ ျမင္လုိက္ရေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္စိတ္ထဲ တမ်ဳိးပါပဲ။ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာဆုိရင္လည္း ဒီလုပ္ပဲ လုပ္ ၾကမွာလား။ ဒါဟာ နုိင္ငံတကာလုပ္ထုံးလုပ္နည္းတခုလား။

ေနာက္တခ်က္သတိထားမိတာကေတာ့ သံရံုးနဲ႔ ေဆးရံုအခင္းအက်င္းကြာျခားခ်က္ပါ။ သံရံုးကုိ၀င္စီးတဲ့ ကုိေဂ်ာ္နီတုိ႔က သံရံုးတခါးအေသပိတ္ျပီး အျပင္ကလူေတြကုိ လုံး၀အ၀င္မခံဘဲ တားထားလုိ႔ရေပမဲ့ ေဆးရံုမွာကေတာ့ အေရးေပၚလူနာေတြရွိေနတဲ့အတြက္ အဲဒီလူေတြကုိသယ္ဖုိ႔ သူနာျပဳကား ၀င္ခြင့္ ေပးရပါတယ္။ ရုပ္ရွင္ေတြထဲမွာျမင္ခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့အတုိင္းပါပဲ။ အထူးရဲေတြက ေဆးရံုယူနီးေဖာင္း၀တ္ျပီး အဲဒီ လူနာတင္ကားနဲ႔ ေဆးရံု၀င္းအတြင္းလုိက္သြားတာကို သတင္းေထာက္ေတြက ျမင္ေနရပါတယ္။

ဒီလုိနဲ႔ ည ၁၁ နာရီေလာက္မွာ ေဆး႐ံု၀င္းတံခါးေရွ႕က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေနာက္နည္းနည္း ဆုတ္ေပးဖုိ႔ေျပာၿပီး သံဆူးႀကိဳးေတြနဲ႔ ကာလုိက္ပါတယ္။ တခါ ည ၁ နာရီေလာက္မွာ ေနာက္ထပ္တခါ ထပ္ဆုတ္ခုိင္းၿပီး သံဆူးႀကိဳး၀ုိင္းကို တျဖည္းျဖည္းနဲ႔ ခ်ဲ႕လာပါတယ္။ ဆုိလုိတာကေတာ့ ကင္မရာနဲ႔ ေဆး႐ံု၀င္း တျဖည္းျဖည္းေ၀းသြားေအာင္ ဖန္တီးၿပီး ၀င္ရွင္းဖုိ႔ျပင္ေနတဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ဳိးလုိ႔ ယူဆနုိင္ ပါ တယ္။

သူတုိ႔ က်ဆုံးသြားေလၿပီ

ထင္ထားတဲ့အတုိင္းပါပဲ။ မနက္ ၅ နာရီေလာက္မွာ “၀ုန္း” ဆုိတဲ့ ေပါက္ကဲြသံႀကီးနွစ္ခု ဆက္တုိက္ ၾကားရၿပီး အားကစားရံုေဘးမွာ အိပ္ငုိက္ေနတဲ့က်ေနာ္ လန္႔နုိးသြားပါတယ္။ အသံဖမ္းစက္ကုိ Pause လုပ္ထားေပမယ့္ အဲဒီအသံကိုဖမ္းဖို႔ အခ်ိန္မမီလုိက္ပါဘူး။ ၿပီးေတာ့ လက္နက္ငယ္သံေတြ အဆက္ မျပတ္ၾကားရၿပီး ေကာင္းကင္ေပၚမွာလည္း ရဟတ္ယာဥ္အသံေတြ ဆူလုိ႔။ တျခားသတင္းေထာက္ေတြ နဲ႔အတူ လွဲအိပ္ၿပီးေနရာယူ၊ အသံဖမ္းစက္ကုိ အေပၚေထာင္၊ မ်က္စိက ေဆး႐ံုဘက္ ေခ်ာင္းၾကည့္ေပါ့။ အဲဒီလုိ ေနရာယူေနစဥ္ ရဟတ္ယာဥ္ေပၚက မီးဆလုိက္က က်ေနာ္ေခါင္းေပၚ တည့္တည့္ထုိးေန သ လားလုိ႔ ထင္ရေအာင္ကုိ လင္းထိန္လြန္းလွပါတယ္။

(ေဆးရံုစီးနင္းမႈအျပီး၊ ကမာပုေလာစခန္းက်ျပီးေနာက္ ထုိင္းစစ္တပ္ဆီ လက္နက္ခ်လုိက္တဲ့ God Army တပ္မႈးကေလးငယ္မ်ား)

၀မ္းခစန္းတုိက္ပဲြကာလက ညတုိက္ပြဲအတြင္း မီးက်ဥ္ပစ္တာကုိ သြားသတိရမိပါတယ္။ ထြက္ေျပးသြား တဲ့ ေသနတ္သမားတဦးကုိ ရဟတ္ယာဥ္က လုိက္ရွာေနတယ္ဆုိၿပီး သတင္းေထာက္ေတြအၾကား ေျပာ သံၾကားေတာ့ ပုိလန္႔သြားပါတယ္။ ေရဒီယုိသမားက ေျမမွာ၀ပ္ျပီး အသံကိုဖမ္း၊ နားကုိစြင့္ေနရံုနဲ႔ အ ဆင္ေျပေပမယ့္ ကင္မရာသမားေတြကေတာ့ ဒီလုိေနလုိ႔ မရ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က DVB မွာ တီဗီြခ်ာနယ္ မရွိ ေသးလုိ႔ ေတာ္ေသးတယ္လို႔ေျပာရမယ္။

Live လႊင့္ေနတဲ့ TV ေတြအားလုံးကုိ လုံၿခံဳေရးအဖြဲ႔ကတားဆီးၿပီး ထုိင္းကင္မရာသမား ၂ ဦးကုိ အဲဒီ တပ္ဖြဲ႔က တားဆီး၊ ဟိန္းေဟာက္၊ ေသနတ္ျပ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ေနတာကို က်ေနာ္ေတြ႔လုိက္ရပါတယ္။ ထုိင္း သတင္းေထာက္ေတြေတာင္ ဒီလုိ အေဟာက္ခံေနရရင္ ငါ့လုိ ဘာ ID မွမရွိတဲ့ ျမန္မာဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ေသနတ္သမားနဲ႔ ႀကံရပါလားဆုိၿပီး နွိ္ပ္ထည့္လိုက္ရင္ ဒုကၡဆုိၿပီး ေၾကာက္စိတ္က၀င္၊ တဖက္ကလည္း အသံေတြကို ရေအာင္ဖမ္း၊ ျမင္ကြင္းေတြကို မွတ္မိ ေအာင္ၾကည့္နဲ႔ အေတာ္စိတ္ပင္ပန္းခဲ့ရပါတယ္။

အံ့ၾသဖုိ႔ ေကာင္းတာကေတာ့ ေဒၚတင္ထားေဆြပါပဲ။ သူပုန္လူထြက္သတင္းေထာက္က်ေနာ္က အဲဒီလုိ ေၾကာက္ဖုိ႔ စိတ္ကူးေနစဥ္မွာ သူက ဘာမွမေၾကာက္ဘဲ မုန္ဘုိင္းတယ္လီဖုန္းနဲ႔ FRA မနက္ပုိင္း အစီစဥ္ အတြက္ Live သတင္းပုိ႔ေနပါတယ္။ DVB ကေတာ့ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ ေအာ္စလုိကလူေတြ အိပ္ေကာင္း တုန္း။ မနက္ပုိင္းအစီစဥ္လည္း မရွိေသးတဲ့အတြက္ အသံေတြ ဖမ္းထား႐ုံကလဲြၿပီး ဘာမွမလုပ္နုိင္ခဲ့ပါ ဘူး။ တနာရီေလာက္ ရႈပ္ယွက္ခပ္ၿပီးေနာက္မွာေတာ့ အားလုံး အုိေက သြားၿပီ၊ ဓားစာခံေတြကို ကယ္ တင္လုိက္နုိင္ၿပီလို႔ လုံၿခံဳေရးအဖြဲ႔က ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ေသနတ္သမားေတြကုိ ဘယ္လိုအေရးယူသလဲဆုိတာကိုေတာ့ အတိအက် ေျပာမသြားပါ။ ေသနတ္နဲ႔ခုခံလုိ႔ ပစ္သတ္လုိက္ရသလုိလုိ၊ လြတ္သြားတဲ့တဦးကုိ လုိက္ဖမ္းေနဆဲျဖစ္သလုိလုိနဲ႔ သိပ္ မရွင္းလွ။ ေဆး႐ံု၀င္းထဲကုိလည္း သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ၀င္ၾကည့္ခြင့္ မေပးေသးပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အေျခ ေနအရပ္ရပ္ဟာ အားလုံးၿပီးဆုံးသြားၿပီလုိ႔ ခန္႔မွန္းလုိ႔ ရနုိင္္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိနဲ႔ တညလုံး အိပ္ေရးပ်က္ထား တဲ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အဖြဲ႔ဟာလည္း ေဆး႐ံုး၀င္းထဲ ၀င္ၾကည့္ခြင့္ရမယ့္ ေန႔လယ္္ပုိင္းအထိ မေစာင့္ေတာ့ဘဲ ဘန္ေကာက္ကုိ ျပန္တက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ညေနပုိင္း သတင္းမပုိ႔ခင္ေလးမွာ ၀င္လာတဲ့သတင္းေတြအရ VBSW နဲ႔ God Army က ရဲေဘာ္ ၁၀ ဦးစလုံးကို လုံၿခံဳေရးအဖြဲ႔က အေသပစ္သတ္လုိက္ၿပီး အျဖဴေရာင္ ပိတ္စေတြနဲ႔ စည္းထားတဲ့ အေလာင္း ၁၀ ေလာင္းကုိ ျပသထားတာ TV မွာ ေတြ႔လုိက္ရပါတယ္။

ေနာက္ပုိင္းသိရတဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြအရ သံ႐ံုးစီးနင္းမႈကို ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကိုေဂ်ာ္နီဟာ ကမာပုေလာ တုိက္ပဲြအတြင္း ဒဏ္ရာအနည္းငယ္ ရထားတဲ့အတြက္ ဒီေဆး႐ံုစီးနင္းမႈမွာ မပါဘူးလုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။ VBSW အဖြဲ႔မွ ကိုေဗဒါက ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး God Army တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့တာလုိ႔ ဆုိ ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာေတာ့ God Army ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ကမာပုေလာစခန္းဟာ န၀တရဲ႕ ထုိး စစ္တင္မကဘဲ ထုိင္းလုံၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြရဲ႕ ဖိအားေပးမႈကိုပါခံရၿပီး တလေလာက္အၾကာမွာ ကမာပု ေလာစခန္း က်သြားပါတယ္။    ။

Sunday, July 20, 2014

22 Years of DVB. ၂၂ နွစ္သား DVB အမွတ္တရာမ်ား...။



TELLING BURMA’S STORY FOR TWENTY YEARS

(www.dvb.no)

In July 19, 2012, the DVB turned twenty. There have been many ups and downs over those two decades, but we are proud to say that we have not only survived but also managed to become Burma’s most popular privately-run satellite TV station. We think that is worth a book to let people know how it all began, and how we grew. And we hope that people in other parts of the world would also be able to learn from our success as well as our mistakes.

But producing this book cannot be done without your participation. The DVB has always been the voice of the people of Burma, and we would also like to engage your help in celebrating our twentieth anniversary. We intend to post chapters of the book on this website, gradually to give you time to read them and contemplate what we have written. Then we would like to invite you to submit your own input. Is there anything that you think is weak, misleading or outright wrong in our account of the DVB’s history? Any events which need to be included, any important individual that we have overlooked but who should be mentioned?

We are also looking for photographs of the DVB’s various activities that you may have in your possession and would want to share with us. We cannot offer you any payment for this, but, if you wish, we will certainly include your name in the list of contributors to our book. You can also remain anonymous, if that is what you want.

Please send us your contributions, criticisms and other comments — and whatever pictures you may have — using the form below.

Bertil Lintner compiled and edited this book.







1. HOW IT ALL BEGAN

It was not the first time a group of Burmese set up a radio station to provide an alternative to the official, state-run broadcasting service. But it was clear that the potential was different when the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) first went on air on July 19,1992. Previously, various rebel groups had run their own clandestine radio stations. The Communist Party of Burma inaugurated its People’s Voice of Burma in March 1971, first transmitting from across the border in China and later via a new facility in the Wa Hills in northeastern Shan State. In the 1970s, non-communist anti-government forces allied with former prime minister U Nu maintained a radio station in the jungle somewhere along the Thai border in the east, but its broadcasts were irregular and the reception extremely poor. Karen rebels also had a transmitter for a short while in the early 1980s, but it fell silent when government forces began attacking their bases on the Thai border in 1983.
Young activists at the DVB's first studio on the Thai-Burma border, 1993
Young activists at the DVB's first studio on the Thai-Burma border, 1993
From the very beginning, the DVB was headquartered in safety in far-away Norway, and it was under the direct control of no particular armed resistance group. During the first years of its existence, however, the DVB was not free from interference from ethnic rebel armies based on the Thai border, especially the Karen National Union (KNU) whose headquarters housed the DVB’s first studio inside Burma. When it first started, the DVB also represented the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), which was made up of MPs who had been elected in the May 1990 general election, but who were then prevented from forming a new government and forced into exile.

But all that changed as the DVB gained experience and became more professional. In 2002, DVB broadcasts ceased mention of the station’s affiliation with the NCGUB, and, in 2006, officially declared its independence. The DVB became a properly registered Norwegian foundation, based in Oslo and subject to Norwegian laws. The DVB thus gained full editorial and administrative independence and its board members served in an individual capacity, not as representatives of any political group or faction.
By then, the DVB had also set up its own satellite TV station. It had gone into operation in 2005, and become an instant success wherever it could be received inside Burma.

2. HOW IT GREW

The DVB may be unique in many ways, but the Burmese broadcasters in Oslo did not, historically speaking, start from scratch when they launched it in 1992. Burma has actually a long and proud tradition of a free media. The country’s first newspaper, the English-language Maulmain Chronicle, appeared in 1836 in the city of Moulmein in then British-held Tenasserim. It was followed in 1853 by the Rangoon Chronicle. The first Burmese-language newspaper, Yadana-bon Nay-pyi-daw (with the heading “Mandalay Gazette” in English on the front page) was established in Mandalay in independent Burma in 1874 as the official organ of the kingdom.

The year before the launch of the paper, King Mindon enacted a law consisting of 17 articles to guarantee freedom of the press stating that the media is for “the benefit of the citizens to hear general news from Europe, India, China, and Siam for enriching the thoughts and improving their trade and communication.” This act is believed to be Southeast Asia’s first indigenous press freedom law.

At an official meeting at the palace in Mandalay, the king also bestowed immunity on the local press corps: “If I do wrong, write about me. If the queens do wrong, write about them. If my sons and daughters do wrong, write about them. If the judges and mayors do wrong, write about them. No one shall take action against the journalists for writing the truth. They shall go in and out of the palace freely.”

During the British colonial period, which lasted until independence in 1948, Burma had dozens of newspapers in Burmese, English, Chinese, and several Indian languages. Periodicals were also printed in Burma’s minority languages. Among the most outspoken newspapers—which lent support to the Burmese nationalist movement—were the Burmese language Thuriya (the Sun) and Myanma Alin (the New Light of Burma). The latter was founded in 1914 and for years it was managed by U Tin, who became a minister in independent Burma’s first government, led by U Nu, in 1948.
Early days in the Oslo studio
Early days in the Oslo studio
Burma’s rapid media development in the 19th and 20th centuries can best be explained against the background of its rich intellectual traditions. The country has always had a high literacy rate and education has been a source of national pride since pre-colonial days. At the age of seven or eight, every Burmese boy was sent to the local monastery to learn to read, and write, and to memorise Buddhist chants and Pali formulas used in pagoda worship. Education was less universal for girls but, even so, the census for Burma in 1872 stated that “female education was a fact in Burma before Oxford was founded.” This long and strong tradition of widespread literacy was further enhanced with the introduction of British-style education during the colonial era.

3. THE DVB GOES TELEVISUAL

In early 2005, DVB decided to take a bold step, which no non-governmental media organisation in Burma, and perhaps in the world, had ever done before: to launch its own satellite television station. Many were sceptical and thought the idea was too ambitious and some even said it was unrealistic. Short-wave radio was one thing, but television? But Burmese journalists in exile in Norway and Thailand were determined to make it work. A young couple, Tin Ko Ko and Sandar Lin, who had some experience of working for Myawady Television, a military-run television network based in Rangoon whose entertainment programmes were quite popular, took part and shared their experiences with some of the Burmese who previously had worked only with DVB radio. DVB TV would probably never have been as successful as it has become without the hard work that Tin Ko Ko and Sandar Lin put in during its first year of operation. Additional training was provided by professional cameramen and news anchors from AsiaWorks Television, a leading independent media company based in Bangkok.

In May 2005, the trainees were ready—and the DVB began telecasting from London via satellite. The timing was perfect. DVB TV was launched when Burmese were beginning to have the possibility of having satellite dishes to receive international TV stations. At first, people could buy satellite dishes but they had to be registered through a cumbersome process. But despite the rigidity of the laws surrounding the possession of satellite dishes, sales exploded in the early 2000s. Officially, 200,000 people registered their equipment during the first years of satellite TV access in the country, while many more dishes were acquired on the black market. The number of people watching international stations was even higher as many tea- and coffee shop owners had satellite TV services installed in their establishments to attract customers. It became an instant success, which ushered in a new era in the Burmese media landscape.

DVB TV was popular from the very beginning, but the main breakthrough came when the monks’ movement swept across Burma in September 2007. The DVB’s clandestine network of reporters and stringers covered the events from the very beginning, deploying both old and new media to inform the people in Burma about the uprising. DVB reporters shot footage on hidden digital cameras and sent it over the border to the DVB office in Thailand, or over the Internet to headquarters in Norway. Photographs and video footage shot by DVB reporters and even ordinary citizens on mobile phones were also uploaded onto the Web and sent to Oslo headquarters, which, in turn, edited the material into radio and television reports to be broadcast back into Burma.

While DVB’s shortwave radio and satellite TV broadcasts reached a significant portion of the population in Burma, it was the first time the Internet—and blogs—played a crucial role in broad and timely reporting of a major event inside the country. Bloggers, who were in touch with the DVB, found innovative ways to circumvent government restrictions and to send out updates throughout the protests. Meanwhile, the DVB made its coverage available on the Web, where it was picked up by the BBC, CNN, Deutsche Welle, Al Jazeera and other international news networks. Even when Burma’s only two Internet service providers were disabled between September 29 and October 4, 2007 at the height of the protests, DVB reporters on the ground were able to send their coverage to Oslo via their own satellite hook-up.

All along, the DVB cooperated closely with international news agencies and television networks as none could match its network on the ground in Burma. Reporters Without Borders stated in a November 2010 report: “Representatives of the three leading international news agencies, the Associated Press, Reuters and Agence France-Presse, representatives of three international TV stations, the BBC, France 24 and Al Jazeera, and a dozen journalists and international production companies confirmed to Reporters Without Borders that they had used the DVB’s help in covering the situation in Burma. The forms of assistance have ranged from access to its archives, use of its video for international distribution, preparation and production of a report, putting the international media in contact with members of its network in Burma or Thailand, or just providing information.”

4. NOT ONLY HARD NEWS AND HOT SCOOPS

Like all other radio (and TV) stations in the world, the DVB has all along also offered its listeners and viewers not only news, scoops, political debates and analyses but also songs, music and other kinds of entertainment. And like everything else with the DVB, its entertainment programmes started on a very modest scale and, like its other broadcasts in the beginning, the tune was very political. Students in rebel camps along the eastern border recorded their songs on tapes which were mailed to Norway from post offices in Thailand. Other songs were recorded inside Burma or in exile, such as Ma Ma Aye’s very popular number about a man who had left his home village for his beliefs in justice. Listeners could draw parallels with the students who had gone to the border to take up arms against Burma’s then military government.

Other popular songs were old patriotic jingles from World War II and the independence movement, while the famous Kachin singer Dennis Mun Awng’s songs about more contemporary subjects were also well-liked, especially among the young. Born in Kachin State in 1960, Mun Awng first became popular in the 1980s. He joined the August 1988 uprising and was among those thousands of dissidents who fled to the Thai-Burmese border after the crackdown on September 18 and the formation of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, SLORC. Five years later, in 1993, he arrived in Norway to begin working for the DVB.

With singers like Mun Awng on the air, the popularity of the DVB’s entertainment programmes increased and listeners also began sending in their requests for songs they wanted to hear. Another singer and also actress, May Sweet, was also popular but her melodies were considerably less political. She left Burma for the United States in the late 1990s, married a Burmese-American from New York and settled in Delaware. But she continues to perform for Burmese expatriate audiences around the world. The DVB’s entertainment editor, Thida Thin Myat Thu, acted as Master of Ceremonies when May Sweet gave a concert in London ten years ago.

Programmes playing requested songs, however, served another purpose than broadcasting popular songs just for the sake of entertainment. Following the 1988 uprising and subsequent upheavals, many families were separated and people who had been friends in the cities and towns lost touch with each other. Parents requested songs for their children, and children who had made it to third countries as refugees requested songs for their mothers and fathers to let them know where they were. Boyfriends requested songs for lost girlfriends and vice versa. Many people were reconnected in this way, and the DVB also helped them re-establish contact with each other.

While Burmese singers, whether political or not, made it possible for the DVB to reach a wider audience, the broadcasting station in Oslo also helped some in their careers. One of them is Lashio Thein Aung, who lives in Texas and was very popular in the 1970s. The DVB can claim credit for re-discovering him and bringing him back to the Burmese music scene. In 2005, the DVB contacted him and he was happy to be able to sing for his own home audience again. Lashio Thein Aung can claim to be Burma’s only genuine Texas cowboy and country and western singer - and the response from listeners was overwhelming when the DVB began broadcasting his songs. Today, his various performances are also available on YouTube, among them his tribute to Aung San Suu Kyi on her 65th birthday:

He sang Ahmay Ta Khu Thar Ta Khu (A Dedicated Song to Mom) and Mone Mone Mae Mae (Are You Leaving Me Alone?), songs from the 1970s, on stage in the United States against a backdrop of National League for Democracy (NLD) and US national flags, a Buddhist banner - and a portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi. Lashio Thein Aung himself, sporting an embroidered black shirt and a cowboy hat, drew thunderous applause from his enthusiastic audience.

For a younger audience, the DVB became a platform for more modern singing styles such as rap and hip-hop. Young Burmese were quick to embrace rap and hip-hop - perhaps because the style was quite akin to traditional Burmese thangyat. Also sung in a staccato manner and often with a satirical message, thangyat has been performed for centuries during thingyan, or Buddhist New Year, which falls in mid-April.

After the 1988 uprising especially, thangyat became a way in which many Burmese could express their frustrations with political hardships as well as economic difficulties, often in a humorous manner. Perhaps not surprisingly, the authorities banned thangyat when thingyan was celebrated, although in April 2012 it was permitted once again. Among the thangyat performers in Mandalay in 2012 were the popular Moustache Brothers, a trio of local comedians - Pa Pa Lay, U Lu Zaw, and Lu Maw – distinguished by their impressive whiskers.

The DVB’s news service on the web reported on April 12, 2012:
“Thangyat performances, a traditional music that accompanies New Year’s Thingyan Water Festival, is now legal in Burma.

The historic art is a cornerstone in the country’s New Year celebrations, where singers dance and engage in “call and response” anthems, while joking about the events of the past year. However, Thangyat performances had been officially suppressed for three decades by several laws that were aimed at preventing citizens from assembling and chanting slogans. Mandalay-based writer Sue Hngat says Thingyan and Thangyat are inseparable: “It’s been over 30 years – Thingyan and Thangyat are the two things that cannot be separated because Thingyan is for the people and it should be free for all and should not be monopolised by any individual or a group. This also applies to Thangyat to an extent,” To celebrate its return, Mandalay-based comedian Pa Pa Lay of the Moustache Brothers said the group will perform Thangyat songs on a float during the parades in Mandalay. According to the moustached comedian, the troupe will perform satirical numbers that address the country’s education, health, economy and judicial sectors. “The people of Mandalay have been waiting to hear Thangyat again so Pa Pa Lay is organising the performance together with his other comedian friends,” said Lu Maw, Pa Pa Lay’s brother and fellow moustached brother, Mandalay based writers including Soe Aung, Khin Aung Wint and San Win Shein and some poets are also organising their own Thangyat performances during the festival."

Among the younger hip-hop singers and rappers, MFG, or the Myanmar Future Generation, was more overtly political. They sang about what it’s like to be in prison, why the people should stay united and how younger people can learn from older activists. Some hip-hop artists like Anegga Tweezy and Zayar Thaw, were already popular when the DVB began broadcasting their performances, but the DVB nevertheless helped promote them and gave them an outlet at a time when the government-controlled media refused to play their songs.

5. LESSONS LEARNED AND VISION OF THE FUTURE

This is the chapter where we need your input the most. Only you can tell us what you think has been learned from our twenty years of operation, and what you believe our future should be. We have made a list of mistakes and successes which we think have characterised the development of the DVB since its inception in 1992. We hope this will be a good start, and encourage you to send us your thoughts and comments. We would appreciate it if you could elaborate on the points below.

Mistakes

1. DVB started with a loose structure and poor equipment, and the first broadcasters lacked journalistic skills.
2. Also in the beginning, we did not get much feedback from listeners, and, on our part, we did not conduct proper listener surveys and do other research that was needed to improve the quality of our broadcasts.
3. We lacked training in professional journalism.
4. In the early years, we failed to recruit professional media persons to work with us.
5. In the beginning, there were also too many stakeholders and political factions that tried to influence, and even control, our broadcasts.
6. Thus, it was several years before we could become independent. There was also too much secrecy surrounding our work, and almost no transparency in our operations.
7. The signal was very weak.
8. It has been difficult to work effectively because we have had operations in Burma as well as in Thailand and Norway. It has not always been easy to coordinate the efforts of our various operational sites.
9. The funding was very uncertain in the beginning, and we are still almost totally dependent on international donors.
10. We have had no proper plan for generating income and becoming financially independent.

Successes

1. There has always been a strong commitment on the part of our employees and volunteers. Everyone has been ready to work under circumstances which often have been extremely difficult.
2. We have always been flexible and willing to adopt changes.
3. Our bureaucracy has been minimal compared to other, commercially-run media organisations.
4. Our operations have always been very cost effective.
5. A major asset has been the fact that we have different outlets: radio, TV and the web.
6. We have also been quick to acquire and use modern technology.
7. We have had tremendous support from loyal listeners and viewers inside the country. This has made it easy for our extensive network of reporters inside the country to gather news and other information.
8. In fact, listeners have felt that they “own” the DVB; it’s “their” broadcasting station and “their” TV.
9. Unlike other broadcasting stations, the DVB has always been run exclusively by people of various nationalities from Burma. That has also given us a multi-ethnic profile that most other broadcasting stations lack.
10. As soon as we became independent of political factions, we were able to work together with international media organisations - for our mutual benefit.

A RADIO AND A BOOK

If asked, when leaving this world, what I would like to take with me, I would answer without hesitation: a radio and a book to read. That is the present day situation. In the past, apart from school textbooks, I didn't know what radio was, let alone read novels from the book shelves.
Only on 19 July 1947, did I first hear the word “radio”
While rice was being prepared for breakfast, Ko Ko Gyi in a highly agitated state and told my father that General Aung San and U Razak were dead. They had been shot. When mother asked where he had heard this news, Ko Ko Gyi answered “I heard it from the radio in U Nyein Maung’s house and people are gathering there.”
Although I knew that radio was something important, I could not imagine what it looked like. There was only one radio in the village.

I have listened to radio

Two years later, we ended up in Bago as war refugees. I heard the sound of a radio a house away. Although I tried to hear it from the window, it wasn’t very clear. “That is the Voice of Burma,” Ko Ko Gyi told me.
The house I lived in had been confiscated by an army artillery battalion and we had to study in a bamboo lean-to constructed at the edge of the school compound. There were clashes about 15 miles away from Bago. The voice of the army still existed and the main speaker was a Major Ba Ko, I was told by adult radio listeners.

I have seen radio

When I was in eighth grade at school, my friend Ba Myint, the son of a wealthy man made rich by the army, took me to his house, where there was a radio. It was reporting on a divisional football match and I heard noisy shouts and laughter. Many people who came to listen also laughed.  When Sagaing goalkeeper Boe Thar Bay caught shots by Shan State’s Vah Doom the listeners clapped and I applauded with them.
Then Ba Myint said that it is good only when listening to songs and I did not agree. In my eye, I only saw beautiful radio and in my ear, I only heard Vaha Doo and Boe Thar Bay.
So my first experience of listening to the radio was happy and amusing.

University and radio

In 1953, I was admitted to Rangoon University with the support of the Muslim Central Fund Trust and stayed in Thaton hostel. I regularly listened to the radio at Thahaya and in reading rooms and heard programmes from the Burma Broadcasting Service, BBS (or myanma athan, the Voice of Burma in Burmese). When the radio was switched off at 8 pm I went with friends to listen in at a tea shop. Foreign broadcasts could be heard frequently at Ta-Ka-Tha building, Although now a keen radio listener, I never once dreamed that I would one day be a broadcaster.

Acceptance at the Burma Broadcasting Service, BBS

0n 17 October 1959, I got a position at BBS as an assistant technician for recording and broadcasting. I wasn’t on the programming staff, so I didn’t work at the studio but at a transmission station using an emergency studio.
You could call it a personal programme of General Ne Win's interim government’s psychological warfare department, using the equipment of the Voice of Burma. Although the BBS’s engineering department appointed us, I was not very pleased with the fact that our salary was paid by the psychological department.

FROM ACTIVIST TO JOURNALIST - 20 Years On (1992-2012)

The DVB was founded by four student activists (three men and a woman) in their early twenties who had never worked in a radio station before. Their studio was a tiny room in a Norwegian NGO office. On a shoestring budget, they had to start broadcasting with only two cassette recorders and a microphone.
The DVB has a unique history and, in the beginning, each day was a struggle. There was no time for apprenticeship until I joined them in 1996 at the invitation of the then director Daw Khin Pyone. There were teething problems and tantrums. Some of the staffers who had no interest in the radio business found themselves in a situation that they had not intended. During this crucial period, the present DVB director was able to attend a journalism course in the Welsh city of Cardiff.

Since then it, has become almost customary for the DVB to send its newsroom staff to the Cardiff School of Journalism. This broke new ground and set the DVB apart from the programs offered by the major international broadcasting stations, where scripting was done by English speaking central staff who were typically less familiar with the local conditions in the countries to which they were broadcasting.  By early 1997, the DVB was able to set up its own five-room office with a soundproofed studio in the basement of The Triangle Hotel in Oslo.

We worked from dawn to dusk, earning only a paltry sum. Since it was like a big family, we also had a fair share of family quarrels. But we all were happy. I found myself doing a job that I really enjoyed while my dependable wife took care of our home in London. She was my rock. Had it not been for her my sojourn in Oslo would have been out of the question. I was in Oslo for two years and worked from London as a consultant for a further four years.

One of the most important aspects of the DVB’s development from an amateur to professional level was the transformation of the routine news bulletin. While starting subscribing to Reuters and AFP news agencies, the DVB was able to develop its own house style during this phase.  Most of the DVB journalists had started as “stringers"”who faxed the Oslo newsroom their reports on the events in the area they covered. Their material was written up for the news readers to deliver but their voices were never heard on the air. In fact, the DVB's daily 25 minute broadcast was constructed around news output, with about a half of its daily transmission time taken up with news, news analysis, and commentaries.

Although the DVB has always recognized the importance of the regular announcers in providing a 'spine' to the daily program, some of the DVB broadcasters have become all-rounders because of a shortage of skilled manpower.  Thus, a DVB broadcaster could be an editor, a producer, a newsreader, a presenter and a reporter all rolled into one.

Soon, the station began broadcasting in some ethnic languages. The DVB also functioned as a surrogate free radio, giving dissident organizations outlets for their views which unavailable in any other forum.  In the early days, the DVB programs were occasionally jammed by the SLORC military regime.  Later the military regime seemed to have put more emphasis upon its own broadcasting business than upon jamming the broadcasts of others, having realized that jamming was expensive, rarely effective and merely made people want to listen to what was so important as to merit being censored in this way.

During this period a network of freelancers, stringers and reporters was established, along with the DVB regional bureaus in India and Thailand.  It was found that the DVB had brought new challenges and new opportunities to many young activists. They now knew how to place greater emphasis on the professional journalistic values of factual and impartial reporting and on separating news from commentary and advocacy. The DVB website was also created during this period and one young woman was sent to London on a DVB scholarship to study computer science for a year.

SCOOP!!

One of the DVB’s most controversial - and celebrated - documentaries was “Burma’s Nuclear Ambition”. It created a sensation when it was aired in June 2010 by television news network al-Jazeera. A US congressman, Jim Webb, had to postpone his planned visit to Burma, questions were raised in Washington, and wires services all over the world did reports based on the DVB’s investigations. In the end, the controversy prompted even the Burmese government to announce that it has abandoned its nuclear programme, and stopped buying military-related equipment from North Korea, as shown in these two reports from 2012. However, the Reuters dispatch from Singapore says that some reports had suggested that Burma had obtained nuclear technology from North Korea; the DVB never made that claim in the documentary. The DVB showed how the Burmese military had sent officers for training in nuclear-related subjects in Russia, and said that parts of their missile programme and conventional weapons came from North Korea.

Myanmar abandons nuclear research: defense minister
SINGAPORE (Reuters) 2.06.12 - Myanmar has abandoned research on a nuclear program that never progressed very far, and has stepped back from close military and political ties with North Korea, the Southeast Asian country's defense minister said on Saturday.News reports two years ago indicated Myanmar obtained technology for enriching uranium from North Korea along with parts for a nuclear weapons program. The reports were based on interviews with an army major who was involved in the program and defected with files he said documented the project. "We have already said very clearly it was not for defense, it was not for weapons, it was just research in the past," the defense minister, Lieutenant General Hla Min, said at the Shangri-La Dialogue, an annual security forum in Singapore attended by senior regional civilian and military leaders.

South Korea: Myanmar Pledges To Stop Buying North’s Weapons
By CHOE SANG-HUN. AP. 15.06.12 - South Korea has received assurances from Myanmar that it will no longer buy weapons from North Korea, an aide to President Lee Myung-bak said Tuesday. President Thein Sein of Myanmar acknowledged that his country had bought conventional weapons from the North over the past 20 years but vowed in a meeting with Mr. Lee in the Burmese capital on Monday to end the practice, said the aide, Kim Tae-hyo. Mr. Thein Sein also indicated Tuesday that Myanmar had not pursued the development of nuclear arms and vowed to honor a United Nations Security Council resolution that bans countries from activities that could assist North Korea’s missile programs, Mr. Kim said.

DVB HEROES

THE DVB’S HALL OF FAME: HONOURING THOSE WHOSE DEDICATION TO TELLING THE WORLD THE TRUTH ABOUT BURMA SHOULD BE REMEMBERED
Over the years, many DVB journalists have been arrested by the authorities simply for reporting news to the Burmese public and the outside world. We cannot disclose all of them because several were working undercover for the DVB, but we would like to honour five of our journalists whose cases were taken up by international human rights and press freedom advocacy groups and, therefore, their association with the DVB became known.
Hla Hla Win, alias Doe Doe
Gender: Female
Date of birth: August 29, 1984
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: University, 2nd year Economics Occupation: DVB video journalist teacher
Arrested: September 11, 2009
Sentenced: December 21, 2009; 27 years. Was kept in Kathar prison, northeastern Sagaing Region
Released: January 13, 2012
Hla Hla Win was first arrested in September 2009, close to the anniversary of the 2007 monk-led uprising, and sentenced to seven years imprisonment. She had been detained under the Import/Export Act for using an unregistered motorbike. The arrest took place as she was returning from a DVB reporting assignment in Pakokku township, Magwe division, where she had conducted interviews with Buddhist monks in a local monastery.

Her assistant, Myint Naing, was also arrested, and eventually given a 26-year sentence. During the first weeks of her seven year sentence, she was interrogated and eventually admitted to being a DVB reporter. On December 20, 2009  her jail term was extended by 20 years for violating the Electronics Act, which prohibits downloading or uploading data from the internet that is considered damaging to the security of the military regime. This is a tactic often used by the regime to imprison video reporters. She was handed a further 20 years and offered no legal representative. Hla Hla Win first joined the DVB as an undercover reporter in December 2008. She played an active role in covering issues considered sensitive to the government, including the local reaction to the controversial trial in 2009 of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

In 2010, Hla Hla Win received the Kenji Nagai Memorial Award, along with fellow DVB reporter Win Maw, an honour bestowed on Burmese journalists in memory of the Japanese photojournalist shot and killed by government troops while covering the September 2007 monk-led uprising. She was also a volunteer teacher working in monastic education centres, and a leading organiser of community movements along with her colleagues. She was also an active member of the NLD (Youth) from Thanhyin township in Rangoon.

Win Maw alias Mawgyi, Japan Gyi, Ko Shwe
Gender: Male
Date of birth: September 5, 1962
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: University, 2nd year
Occupation: DVB, video journalist, musician and composer
Arrested: November 27, 2007
Sentenced: November 11, 2008/March 5, 2009; 17 years. Was kept in Kyaukphyu prison, Arakan State.
Released: January 13, 2012

In March 2009, award-winning journalist Win Maw was sentenced to 10 years in jail. He was already 18 months into a seven-year sentence on charges of breaching the Immigration Act when the additional decade was added. During a raid on his house in early 2009 whilst he was detained, police had found disk full of data destined for DVB. They then begun an investigation into his activities as a VJ. His family said that he was beaten and tortured during the early stages of his detention, with interrogators reportedly “waterboarding” him and breaking his nose.  The authorities accused him of being the “mastermind” behind the DVB’s in-country news coverage of the September 2007 monk-led uprising. His jail term was subsequently extended under the Electronics Act, which allows for harsh prison sentences for using electronic media to send information outside the country without government approval. A prominent singer and songwriter, Win Maw began working for the DVB in 2003, one year after he was released from his first spell in prison for composing pro-democracy songs. He has also composed music for the DVB, as well as passing on photos and videos from opposition groups such as the NLD and 88 Generation Students. He took part in many of their campaigns and activities as an organizer on top of his role as a DVB reporter.
Win Maw, who was held in Kyaukphyu prison in Burma’s western Arakan state, received the Imprisoned Artist Prize in 2008, the Kenji Nagai Memorial Award in 2010 along with another arrested DVB reporter Hla Hla Win, and the prestigious Freedom to Create award for jailed artists in 2011.

Ngwe Soe Lin alias Htun Kyaw, “T”
Gender: Male
Date of birth: May 26, 1981
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: High school
Occupation: DVB video journalist
Arrested: June 26, 2009
Sentenced: January 27, 2010; 13 years. Was kept in Insein prison, Rangoon
Released: January 13, 2012

Ngwe Soe Lin was arrested by military intelligence on June 26, 2009 along with a friend in an internet café in Rangoon. After spending several weeks at the Aungthabyay interrogation centre, he was sent to Insein prison. Seven months later, on January 27, 2010, a special military court attached to Insein prison sentenced him to 13 years in prison on charges related to the Electronics and Immigration Acts. The following month, on February 18, he was sent to Lashio prison in northern Shan state. Ngwe Soe Lin joined the DVB in early 2008 and reported from around the country. He played a vital role in recording the lives of children left orphaned by cyclone Nargis in 2008. His video records were turned into a Channel 4 documentary, “Orphans of Burma’s Cyclone”, for which he received the prestigious Rory Peck Award 2009, honouring cameramen working in dangerous environments. He was awarded this whilst in detention.

Sithu Zeya alias Sargalay
Gender: Male
Date of birth: January 16, 1990
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: Bachelor degree, university
Occupation: DVB video journalist
Arrested: April 14, 2010
Sentenced: December 21, 2010; 8 years; then 10 more years on November 7, 2011.
Was kept in Insein prison, Rangoon, and in Henzada prison, Irrawaddy Region - Released: January 13, 2012

In April 2010, a series of grenade blasts rocked Rangoon during tingyan, the traditional New Year water festival. Sithu Zeya photographed images of the aftermath from a location near the banks of Kandawgyi Lake in Rangoon. The 21-year-old was arrested shortly after, and interrogated for five days. During this period he was tortured and denied food for two days, and in December 2010 sentenced to eight years imprisonment under the Immigration Act and Unlawful Association Act. The verdict on Sithu Zeya’s case was based on informal confessions resulting from the torture he suffered during interrogation. His charges stem from the Burmese government’s press laws, which targeted media workers judged to have passed on material to exiled news outlets. Sithu Zeya was forced to reveal under torture that his father, U Zeya, also served as an undercover DVB reporter. U Zeya is now serving a 13-year sentence. Sithu Zeya was sentenced to an additional ten years in prison on November 7, 2011, a few days after an amnesty that saw 230 political prisoners released. However, he was released ion January 13, 2012.

Maung Maung Zeya alias U Zeya, Ko Hnyat Kyee
Gender: Male
Date of birth: November 24, 1953
Ethnicity: Burmese
Religion: Buddhist
Education: University graduate
Occupation: DVB writer, artist
Arrested: April 16, 2010
Sentenced: February 6, 2011; 13 years. Was kept in Hsipaw prison, Shan State
Released: January 13, 2012
U Zeya was arrested at his home in Rangoon on April 16, 2010, shortly after his son Sithu Zeya had been arrested for taking photos of the water festival bombings in Rangoon. Sithu had reportedly confessed to his father being a DVB reporter after days of torture. The father had led a team of DVB VJs inside Burma. His lawyer said after the trial that the only witnesses in the closed prison court were police. The trial ended in February 2011 and he was sentenced to 13 years in prison under the Immigration Act, Unlawful Associations Act, and Electronics Act. First arrested in 1976 for participating in a students’ strike, U Zeya has a long history of political activism. Under the pen name Thargyi Maung Zeya, he has also written poems and articles in a number of Burmese magazines and journals.
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http://www.dagsavisen.no/nyemeninger/alle_meninger/cat1002/subcat1023/thread288918/
Last week in Norway for Burma's radio
Published 2 hours ago - 132 Views Post

Media House Democratic Voice of Burma has her last week in Oslo. Since 1992, they sent uncensored news to the country of Norway . Now they travel home .

Why has Norway and Burma so closely linked ? Why Norway was the first country outside Asia as Aung San Suu Kyi visited after she was released ? The main reason is of course the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. A close second is the radio station Democratic Voice of Burma. The radio station has sent uncensored news to Burma since 1992 , and has long since become a media of television , radio and internet. For 21 years they produced broadcasts from Oslo. They have helped to create a unique interest in Burma in Norway . That they have now opened an office in Yangon in Burma is an indicator that the reforms have allowed for media and independent organizations in Burma. It is too early to determine whether reforms in Burma actually ends in a real democracy and freedom of expression ensures that the media's right to criticize without fear of reprisal . But the last three years has made the DVB took a chance . The main office is now in Thailand, but the media house has an office in Burma, which is growing . The dream has always been to return home and become a media in Burma for his people . Today this dream close to fruition.

Before 1991, Norway and Burma little in common . Norway was the first Secretary General of the UN. Burma had the third. A historical curiosity is that the Norwegian-registered vessel Hai Lee brought Aung San from Rangoon to China 1940. The journey finally ended in Japan, which is considered the starting point of the Burmese struggle for independence from the British colonists . The relationship between Norway and Burma took a new course when Rafto Prize in 1990 was awarded the liberation hero's daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi , who after demonstrations in 1988 quickly became the foremost symbol of democracy and human rights in Burma. Nobel Committee went on to award her the Nobel Peace Prize the following year, after intense lobbying from Burma Committee and Rafostiftelsen , with Vaclav Havel as a good ally. In the course of six years, the Norwegian authorities , in close cooperation with Burma Committee and Worldview got a Burmese radio station on the legs . The importance of this work can hardly be overestimated .

The history of radio station Democratic Voice of Burma is worth a few lines . It is worth a book. The radio station was through an intense collaboration between Burma Committee Hallvard Kare Kuloy , Worldview International's Arne Fjørtoft and Ministry of Foreign Affairs Jan Egeland . Broadcast Manager at NRK, Einar Forde, was asked to spare a few frequencies to the Burmese news channel to send Burmese news via shortwave from Kvitsøy outside Stavanger. The case had up at government level for a clarification. Burmese students were in a short time course in journalism in the border area between Thailand and Burma. Four young Burmese were flown to Oslo to establish the channel, and came in contact with one of the very few Burmese living in Norway . The start was partly financed by loans from the owner of Texburger , where Maung Maung Myint worked part-time , and student loans from the same Burmese dentistry student. The budget was 21 000. 19th July 1992 DVB went on air for the first time. Recorded tapes were sent by mail to Kvitsøy outside Stavanger, and arrived just in time for the first radio broadcast. The entire process , from idea to broadcast , it took more than half a year, which must be unique in Norwegian administrative history.

To run a news channel depending on the postal service in Norway is of course a challenge. The news may at times be read before they happened , and sometimes went wrong . In 1993, the regime launched a constitution preparatory meeting , but immediately chose to delay the process indefinitely . DVB had already recorded the novelty of Oslo and the program was headed in the postal service . What do you do when the news turned out to vote ? Reporters jumped on the first flight to Stavanger , overtook postal service , and managed to correct the pre-recorded element . A local technician hint about how the Burmese reporters could turn on the phones , and send transmissions via phone . Creative engineering meant that it is now able to produce broadcasts after the news happened , not before. There was a small revolution , several years before verdensvevens age.

There have been many dark years since 1992. To listen to DVB in Burma was until recently strictly prohibited and punishable by imprisonment . Journalists in Burma have risked everything to disseminate news about what actually happened in one of the world's most brutal dictatorships . Under Safranrevolusjonene in 2007 , which was led by Burmese monks were journalists from DVB documenting how the regime put down on peaceful demonstrators , with lives at stake . There are only six years ago. No one should believe that the struggle for democracy has ended. The road to democracy has just begun . The reforms are the result of DVB and other brave frihetselskeres struggle for democracy. DVB need all the support they can get to continue to be an alternative to propaganda . It is alive and well . To create a democratic culture, and real freedom of the press , take time in a country that is used to let the weapons do the talking . The new media law limits the scope for cross- publish content on television, radio and online . Media freedom for newspapers is of course very important, but so is the radio and television that reaches out to people across the country. Democratic Voice of Burma has never been more important and never been vulnerable. Thus continued support has never been more critical.

At the Burmese journalists now heading to Burma gives reason for hope , while it is a little sad to lose a key vote in Burmese Norwegian public. DVB is a product of Norwegian support for the Nobel Peace Prize. Meanwhile, much of the Norwegian Burma involvement resulting from DVB . So thank you for 21 great years in Norway and good trip to Burma. It is now the beginning .

Audun Aagre is CEO of Burma Committee

Friday, July 18, 2014

ထား၀ယ္လယ္သမား ၁၉ ဦးကို အျမင့္ဆုံး ေထာင္ ေျခာက္လေက်ာ္ ခ်မွတ္

Dawei Watch ထား၀ယ္၊ ဇူလိုင္ ၁၆

အစိုးရမွ သိမ္းဆည္းထားသည့္ လယ္ေျမေပၚတြင္ ၿမိဳ႕ျပစီမံကိန္းအေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္မႈကို တားျမစ္သည္ဟု ဆိုကာ တရားစြဲခံထားရေသာ လယ္သမား ၁၉ ဦးကို ထား၀ယ္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္တရားရံုးက ဇူလိုင္လ ၁၆ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အလုပ္ၾကမ္းႏွင့္ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ေျခာက္လႏွင့္ ၁၅ ရက္အပါအ၀င္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ႏွင့္ ေငြဒဏ္မ်ား စသျဖင့္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္အသီးသီးခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေရွ႕ေနမ်ားထံမွ သိရသည္။

လယ္သမားႏွင့္ မိသားစု၀င္ ၁၉ ဦးအနက္ ဦးၾကဴလြင္အား ျပည္သူ႔၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနစဥ္ ၀တၱရားေႏွာက္ယွက္မႈ(ပုဒ္မ ၃၅၃)၊ ျပည့္သူ႔၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားအား နာက်င္ေစမႈ (ပုဒ္မ ၃၃၂) ႏွင့္ ဆဲဆိုမႈ (ပုဒ္မ ၂၉၄(ခ)) စသည့္ ပုဒ္မသံုးခုျဖင့္ စုစုေပါင္း အလုပ္ၾကမ္းႏွင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ေျခာက္လ ႏွင့္ တစ္ဆယ္ငါးရက္ က်ခံရန္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ အမ်ားဆုံး ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ၿပီး အျခားလယ္သမားတစ္ဦးျဖစ္သူ ဦးေသာင္းညႊန္႔အား ပုဒ္မ ၃၅၃ ႏွင့္ ပုဒ္မ ၂၉၄(ခ) အရ အလုပ္ၾကမ္းႏွင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ သံုးလ ႏွင့္ တစ္ဆယ့္ငါးရက္ က်ခံရန္ အမိန္႔ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း တရားခံမ်ား၏ ေရွ႕ေန ဦးေအာင္စိန္ ထံမွ သိရသည္။

၎အျပင္ ဦးထြန္းထြန္း၀င္းအပါအ၀င္ လယ္သမား ၈ ဦးကို လည္း ပုဒ္မ ၃၅၃ အရ အလုပ္ၾကမ္းႏွင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ သံုးလစီ က်ခံရန္ အမိန္႔ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ေဒၚရီရီေထြးအပါအ၀င္ လယ္သမား အမ်ိဳးသမီး ၄ ဦးတို႔ကို ပုဒ္မ ၃၅၃ ႏွင့္ ပုဒ္မ ၂၉၄(ခ) တို႔အရ ဒဏ္ေငြစုစုေပါင္း တစ္ေသာင္းတစ္ေထာင္က်ပ္စီ က်ခံေစကာ ေဒၚမူမူစန္းအပါအ၀င္ လယ္သမား အမ်ိဳးသမီး ၅ ဦးတို႔ကို ပုဒ္မ ၃၅၃ အရ ဒဏ္ေငြ တစ္ေသာင္းက်ပ္စီ ေပးေဆာင္ရန္ အမိန္ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း တရားခံမ်ားေရွ႕ေနထံမွ သိရသည္။

“လယ္သမားေတြက သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈေတြကို ကာကြယ္ရင္းနဲ႔ အစိုးရရဲ႕အက်ိဳးကို ဟန္႔တားလို႔ဆိုၿပီး စြပ္စြဲခံခဲ့ရတာပါ” ဟု လယ္သမားမ်ား၏ ေရွ႕ေန ဦးေအာင္စိန္က ေျပာသည္။

လယ္သမားမ်ားသည္ ျပည္သူ႔၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားတာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနစဥ္ ဝတၱရားေႏွာင့္ယွက္မႈ၊ ျပည္သူ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားအား နာက်င္ေစမႈ စသျဖင့္ ပုဒ္မတပ္ခံခဲ့ရေသာ္လည္း အခင္းျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ေန႔ ဇြန္လ ၁ ရက္ေန႔သည္ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔ျဖစ္ၿပီး ၀န္ထမ္းတာ၀န္ခ်ိန္မဟုတ္သည့္အျပင္ ယင္း ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားကို တရား၀င္စာျဖင့္ ခိုင္းေစျခင္းမရွိေသာေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူ႔၀န္ထမ္းတာ၀န္ကုိ ေႏွာင့္ယွက္သည္ဟု ေျပာ၍ မရႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ဦးေအာင္စိန္က ရွင္းျပသည္။

“တကယ္ဆိုရင္ ေယာက္က်ၤားေတြ လံုး၀အျပစ္မရွိပဲနဲ႔ ေထာင္က်ခံရတာ။ အစကတည္းက ေယာက္က်ားေတြကို ေရွ႕မထြက္နဲ႔။ မိန္းမေတြကပဲ ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီးေျပာမယ္လို႔ ေျပာထားၿပီးသား။ တကယ္လည္း မိန္းမေတြပဲ ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး ေအာ္ဟစ္ၿပီးေတာင္းပန္ခဲ့တာ။ တကယ္တမ္းအျပစ္ရွိမယ္ဆိုရင္ မိန္းမေတြမွာပဲ အျပစ္ရွိတယ္” ဟု ပုဒ္မ ႏွစ္ခုျဖင့္ ေငြဒဏ္ က်ခံခဲ့ရသူ ေဒၚေရႊဇင္ယုက ေျပာသည္။

လူတိုင္းတြင္ မိမိကိုယ္ကို ကာကြယ္ပိုင္ခြင့္၊ မိမိပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈကို ကာကြယ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ ရွိေသာေၾကာင့္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ အမိန္႔ခ်မွတ္ျခင္းသည္ တရားမွ်တသည္ဟု မထင္မိေၾကာင္း ဦးေအာင္စိန္က ေ၀ဖန္သည္။

လယ္သမားမ်ားသည္ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားအား ေႏွာင့္ယွက္ျခင္း၊ နာက်င္ေအာင္ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္း မရွိဘဲ အခင္းျဖစ္ပြားစဥ္ ရွိခိုးေတာင္းပန္မႈသာ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ထြက္ဆုိထားသည္။

"ကိုၾကဴလြင္ ကေတာ့ ရဲေတြကိုလက္အုပ္ခ်ီရွိခိုးလို႔ ေထာင္ထဲ၀င္ရတာ ၀မ္းမနည္းဘူးတဲ့"ဟု ျပစ္ဒဏ္ အမ်ားဆုံး က်ခံခဲ့ရေသာ ကေလးငယ္ႏွစ္ဦး၏ ဖခင္ လယ္သမား ဦးၾကဴလြင္၏ ေျပာဆုိခ်က္ကုိ တရားရုံးသုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ခဲ့သူ တစ္ဦးက ျပန္လည္ေျပာဆုိသည္။

တရားခြင္ အေရွ႕ျမင္ကြင္းအရ တရားစီရင္ခ်က္မခ်မီ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕အင္အားမ်ားစြာေရာက္ရွိေနျခင္းက စီရင္ခ်က္ကို ႀကိဳသိေနသည့္ သေဘာျဖစ္ၿပီး ယင္းအမႈအေပၚတြင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမ႑ိဳင္မွ တရားစီရင္ေရးမ႑ိဳင္အား လႊမ္းမိုးမႈရွိေနသည္ထင္ျမင္ေၾကာင္း ထား၀ယ္ ၈၈ မ်ိဳးဆက္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွင့္ ပြင့္လင္းလူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမွ ဦးေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္သက္က ေျပာသည္။

“လယ္လုပ္ရမယ့္အခ်ိန္မွ လယ္သမားေတြကို ေထာင္ခ်လိုက္တာက စိတ္မေကာင္းျဖစ္မိတယ္” ဟု ၎က ေျပာသည္။

ယင္းနည္းျဖင့္ ျပႆနာကို ေျဖရွင္း၍ မရႏိုင္ဘဲ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ ေထာင္ခ်ျခင္းသည္ အေျဖတစ္ခုမဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း ၊ ေထာင္ခ်ျခင္းျဖင့္ လယ္သမားမ်ား နာၾကည္းခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ ျပႆနာ ပိုမိုႀကီးထြားလာႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ၎က ဆိုသည္။

ဇြန္လ ၁ ရက္ေန႔က ထား၀ယ္ၿမိဳ႕ဆန္းခ်ီရပ္ကြက္ရွိ သိမ္းဆည္းလယ္ယာေျမတြင္ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ေနေသာ ၿမိဳ႕ျပစီမံကိန္း ဧရိယာအတြင္း ေျမကြက္ရိုက္ အုတ္တိုင္စိုက္သည္ကို တားဆီးသည့္ လယ္သမား ၁၉ ဦးကို ထား၀ယ္ခရိုင္ အေထြေထြအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဦးစီးဌာနမွ ဦးစီးအရာရွိ ဦးမ်ိဳးႏိုင္က ဇြန္ လ ၂ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အမႈဖြင့္တိုင္ၾကားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

Dawei Watch

Wednesday, July 16, 2014

ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသတင္းသမားတဦးရဲ့ ဒုိင္ယာရီ (၁၉)

ရန္သူေဟာင္းမ်ားနွင့္ လက္ဆဲြနႈတ္ဆက္ျခင္း

ျမန္မာၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးစင္တာ (MPC) က ဦးစီးျပီး စစ္ဗုိလ္ေတြနဲ႔ သူပုန္ဗုိလ္ေတြ ေန႔စဥ္လုိလုိ လက္ဆြဲနႈတ္ ဆက္ေနတဲ့အခုေခတ္မွာ ရန္သူနဲ႔ လက္ဆဲြနႈတ္ဆက္တယ္ဆုိတာဟာ အထူးအ ဆန္း မဟုတ္ေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဆယ္စုနွစ္တခုေက်ာ္၊ ၂၀၀၀ ခုနွစ္၀န္းက်င္ကဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ဒါမ်ဳိး လုပ္တာဟာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အေပၚသစၥာေဖာက္မႈ၊ အေတြးအေခၚအရ ေဖာက္ျပန္မႈႀကီးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ စစ္ အစိုးရဘက္က ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ၊ ၀န္ႀကီးေတြ၊ အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းေတြနဲ႔ လက္ဆဲြနႈတ္ဆက္ဖုိ႔မေျပာနဲ႔ အစိုးရ ဘက္က ထုတ္ေ၀ေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာ့ အလင္းသတင္းစာကို ဖတ္မိရင္ေတာင္ ဒီေကာင္ေတာ့ ''ရန္သူ႔အေတြး အေခၚ ၀င္ေနၿပီနဲ႔တူတယ္'' ဆုိၿပီး အေျပာခံရတတ္တဲ့ အေျခေနမ်ဳိးပါ။

(၂၀၀၀ ခုနွစ္ အာဆီယံ အစည္းေ၀းအတြင္း န၀တ နုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ၾကီးကုိ ေမးခဲ့စဥ္)

အဲဒီလုိအေျပာခံရဆဲအေျခေနမ်ဳိးမွာ န၀တ နုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဦး၀င္းေအာင္၊ ျပည္ထဲေရး၀န္ႀကီး သူရ ျမင့္ေမာင္၊ စစ္ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးအရာရွိ ဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီးေက်ာ္သိန္းအပါ၀င္ ၀န္ႀကီးေတြ၊ အစိုးရအရာရွိေတြ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားကုိ က်ေနာ္လက္ဆဲြနႈတ္ဆက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ''ခင္ဗ်ားက သတင္းေထာက္ပဲ၊ အင္တာဗ်ဳး ေပးသူတုိင္းကို တာ၀န္အရ လက္ဆဲြနႈတ္ဆက္ရမွာေပါ့'' လုိ႔ တခ်ဳိ႕က ဆင္ေျခေပးနုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဟုတ္ပါ တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္ဟာ သာမန္အရပ္သား သတင္းေထာက္မဟုတ္ပါ။

ေတာခုိေက်ာင္းသားဘ၀ကေန သမုိင္းေပးတာ၀န္အရ အတုိက္ခံသတင္းဌာန DVB အတြက္ သတင္း ေထာက္ျဖစ္လာသူ၊ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ထိ ABSDF ဗဟုိရံုးမွာေနၿပီး တာ၀န္ထမ္းေနသူ၊ ရန္-ငါ စည္းျပတ္ရ မယ္ဆုိတဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚေတြနဲ႔ ခရီးနွင္ေနဆဲျဖစ္သူ တဦးပါ။ ဒီလုိ ရန္-ငါ စည္းျပတ္ရမယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ေတာ္ လွန္ေရးအေတြးအေခၚကတဖက္၊ အလုပ္သေဘာအရ Professional ျဖစ္ရမယ္ဆုိတဲ့ သတင္းသမား တာ၀န္ကတဖက္ အားၿပိဳင္ပဲြမွာ သတင္းသမားဘက္ကုိ ယိမ္းသြားခဲ့တယ္လို႔ထင္ပါတယ္။

ပထမဆုံး မ်က္နာခ်င္းဆုိင္ ေမးျမန္းခြင့္ရခဲ့တဲ့ န၀တ အရာရွိကေတာ့ နုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဦး၀င္း ေအာင္ပါ။ ၂၀၀၀ ျပည့္ုနွစ္ ဇူလုိင္လအတြင္းက ဘန္ေကာက္မွာက်င္းပတဲ့ အာဆီယံ အစည္းေ၀း အတြင္း နုိင္ငံျခားသတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေရွာင္ၿပီးေျပးလာတဲ့ ဦး၀င္းေအာင္ကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ျမန္မာ သတင္းေထာက္သုံးဦး (BBC မွ ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ေမနဲ႔ RFA နဲ႔ ဧရာ၀တီမွ ကိုေအာင္ေဇာ္အပါ၀င္) က ဓာတ္ေလွခါး၀မွာတားၿပီး မုိက္ကလုိဖုန္းနဲ႔ ေမးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ''ဘာမွမထူးပါဘူး၊ အားလုံးအဆင္ေျပပါ တယ္'' ဆုိတာေလာက္သာ ေျဖသြားတဲ့အတြက္ Sound Bite က သုံးလုိ႔မရပါ၊ သတင္းမျဖစ္ခဲ့ဘူး ဆုိပါေတာ့။

ဒါေပမယ့္ သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကုိ ေရွာင္ေျပးေလ့ရွိတဲ့ န၀တ ၀န္ႀကီးေတြ၊ န၀တ အရာရွိေတြကို ဒီလုိ လမ္းမွာတားၿပီးေမးရင္ အသံတခုခုရနုိင္တယ္ဆုိတဲ့ အသိေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တု႔ိရလိုက္ပါတယ္။ အစိုးရ အရာရွိေတြကုိ သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကိုယ္တုိင္ ေတြ႔ဆုံေမးျမန္းခြင့္ရေနတဲ့ ဒီေန႔သတင္းသမားေတြအဖုိ႔ ေတာ့ ၂၀၀၀ ျပည့္နွစ္၀န္းက်င္က အေျခေနဟာ အထူးအဆန္းျဖစ္ေနနုိင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီကာလက အစိုး ရ အရာရွိအားလုံး သတင္းေလာကုိ လုံး၀အင္တာဗ်ဳးမေပးပါ။

ဒီလိုအေျခေနမ်ဳိးမွာ သတင္းသမားေတြကို ရင္းရင္းနွီးနွီးနႈတ္ဆက္ျပီး ေမးသမွ်ေမးခြန္းတုိင္းကို ျပန္ေျဖ တဲ့အျပင္ သတင္းေထာက္ကုိေတာင္ ေမးခြန္းျပန္ထုတ္တဲ့အထိ လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္ရွိသူေတြကေတာ့ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခင္ညြန္႔ရဲ့ စစ္ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးဌာနက အရာရွိေတြပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၀ ျပည့္နွစ္ေနွာင္းပုိင္းတုန္းက ဘန္ေကာက္အေျခစုိက္ ကုလသမဂၢရံုးမွာက်င္းပတဲ့ မူးယစ္ေဆးတုိက္ဖ်က္ေရး ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြတခုအတြင္း ဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီးေက်ာ္သိန္းကို က်ေနာ္ေတြ႔ခဲ့တာပါ။ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႔၀င္တဦးအျဖစ္သာ လုိက္ပါလာတဲ့ ဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီးေက်ာ္သိန္းက က်ေနာ့္ကို ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း လက္ဆဲြနႈတ္ဆက္ၿပီး ေမးသမွ်ကိုေျဖေန ေပ မယ့္ သူ႔ထက္တာ၀န္ပုိၾကီးတဲ့ ၀န္ႀကီးဦးျမင့္ေမာင္ကေတာ့ တခုခုကို စုိးရိမ္တဲ့ပုံစံမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ စကားသိပ္မေျပာ ရဲပဲျဖစ္ေနတာကို က်ေနာ္သတိထားမိပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခ်ိေရးလုပ္ဖို႔ေတာ့ သူက သတိမေမ့ပါဘူး။ မၾကာခင္နွစ္ပုိင္းအတြင္း ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံ မူး ယစ္ေဆးကင္းစင္ ဇုန္ျဖစ္ရမယ္ဆုိတဲ့ စီမံကိန္းစာရြက္ကို က်ေနာ္ဆီလွမ္းေပးၿပီး ထပ္သိခ်င္တာရွိရင္ အဲဒီထဲက ဖုန္းနံပါတ္ကုိသာ ေမးပါလုိ႔ေျပာပါတယ္။ အခု ဆယ္စုနွစ္တခုေက်ာ္ၾကာၿပီးလုိ႔ ၂၀၁၄ ေရာက္ တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ လူေတြေျပာင္း၊ မူေတြေျပာင္းသြားတယ္ဆုိေပမဲ့ တုိးတက္မႈကေတာ့ ေနွးေကြးဆဲ။ ျမန္မာ နုိင္ငံဟာ ကမၻာမွာ ဒုတိယ ဘိန္းအမ်ားဆုံးထုတ္ေနဆဲနုိင္ငံ၊ စိတ္ၾကြေဆးအမ်ားဆုံး ထုတ္ေနဆဲနုိိင္ငံ အျဖစ္ မွတ္တမ္း၀င္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။


ကုိယ့္ဆရာကုိ ကုိယ့္ရန္သူအျဖစ္ သေဘာထားမိတဲ့ဘ၀

သူေသကိုယ္ေသ ေသနတ္ကိုင္ၿပီးတုိက္လာခဲ့တဲ့ န၀တ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကို အလုပ္သေဘာအရ လက္ဆဲြ နႈတ္ဆက္ခဲ့တဲ့ သူပုန္လူထြက္ သတင္းသမားက်ေနာ္ဟာ ကုိယ့္ရဲ့တကၠသိုလ္က ေက်ာင္းအုပ္ႀကီးနဲ႔ ေတြ႔တဲ့ အခါက်မွ လက္ဆြဲနႈတ္ဆက္ဖုိ႔လည္း ပ်က္ကြက္၊ သူမ်ားေတြနဲ႔အတူ ထုိင္ကေတာ့ဖုိ႔လည္း ပ်က္ကြက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

(၂၀၁၃ ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရတဲ့ ေမာ္လျမိဳင္တကၠသိုလ္)

ဘန္ေကာက္သံရံုးစီးနင္းမႈနဲ႔ ရတ္ခ်ပူရီေဆးရံု စီးနင္းမႈေတြၿပီးကာစ ထုိင္းနဲ႔ျမန္မာၾကား ဆက္ဆံေရး တင္းမာေနခ်ိန္မွာ နွစ္နုိင္ငံယဥ္ေက်းမႈဖလွယ္ေရးအစီစဥ္အရ ျမန္မာယဥ္ေက်းမႈအဖြဲ႔တခု ဘန္ေကာက္ ခ်ဳလာေလာင္ကြန္းတကၠသိုလ္ဆီ ေရာက္လာပါတယ္။ ဒီယဥ္ေက်းမႈအဖြဲ႔ကုိ ဒါ႐ုိက္တာၾကည္စုိးထြန္း ကဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး ဆရာတကၠသိုလ္ဘုန္းႏိုင္၊ ဆရာခ်စ္ဦးညိဳနဲ႔ တျခားအဖြဲ႔၀င္ ၁၀ ဦးေလာက္ ပါမယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ နွစ္ႏိုင္ငံယဥ္ေက်းမႈကိစၥ ေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔ဆုိေပမယ့္ အဓိကအားျဖင့္ကေတာ့ ဆရာတကၠသုိလ္ ဘုန္းႏိုင္ရဲ႕၀တၳဳကုိ ဒါ႐ုိက္တာ ၾကည္စုိးထြန္း ႐ုိက္ကူးထားတဲ့ ”သူ႔ကြ်န္ မခံၿပီ” ႐ုပ္ရွင္ျပဖို႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အဲဒီတကၠသိုလ္ဘုန္းနုိင္ဆုိတာ က်ေနာ္အလြန္ေလးစားရတဲ့ စာေရးဆရာႀကီးျဖစ္တဲ့အျပင္ ၁၉၈၇ စက္ တင္ဘာ ေငြစကၠဴအေရးခင္းနဲ႔ ၁၉၈၈ မတ္လအေရးခင္းကာလေတြမွာ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္တကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္း အုပ္ႀကီးအျဖစ္တာ၀န္ထမ္းခဲ့တဲ့ ဆရာဦးခင္ေမာင္တင့္ေပါ့။ ေရွ႕အခန္းတခုမွာ တင္ျပခဲ့တဲ့အတုိင္း အ ေရးခင္း နွစ္ခုစလုံးမွာပါ၀င္မႈနဲ႔ သူရဲ့ရံုးခန္းဆီေခၚၿပီး က်ေနာ္ကုိ သတိေပးမႈလုပ္ခဲ့သူ။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ ဒီမုိကေရစီလုိလားတဲ့ေက်ာင္းသားေတြကို ဖိနွိပ္တဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရအလိုေတာ္ရိလုပ္ခဲ့သူဆုိၿပီး က်ေနာ္စိတ္ ထဲစြဲေနသူ တဦးေပါ့။

လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဆယ္နွစ္ေက်ာ္ ေက်ာင္းသားဘ၀ကအစြဲဟာ သတင္းေထာက္တဦးအျဖစ္ တာ၀န္ယူေနတဲ့ အထိ မေပ်ာက္ေသးပါ။ တခါ သူ႔ကြ်န္မခံၿပီဆုိတဲ့ ရုပ္ရွင္ကိုလည္း အစိုးရ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခ်ိေရးကားအျဖစ္ က်ေနာ္က တဖက္သတ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားသူ။ ေနာက္တခါ တုိက္တုိက္ဆုိင္ဆုိင္ တကၠသိုလ္ဘုန္းနုိင္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔တဲ့အခ်ိန္ဟာ ကဗ်ာဆရာႀကီးဦးတင္မုိးတုိ႔၊ ေမာင္စြမ္းရည္တုိ႔ စစ္အစိုးရ ဖိနွိပ္မႈကိုမခံနုိင္လုိ႔ နုိင္ငံ ရပ္ျခားဆီ ထြက္ေျပးလာတဲ့ အခ်ိန္လည္း ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။

“အဓိကကေတာ့ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကုိ လက္မခံႏိုင္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ရဲ႕ ဆုိးက်ဳိးေတြအေၾကာင္းကုိ ဒီဇာတ္ကားထဲမွာ ေတြ႔ရမွာပါ” ဆုိၿပီး တကၠသိုလ္ဘုန္းႏိုင္က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြရဲ႕ ေမးျမန္းခ်က္ကို စတင္ေျဖပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာသတင္းေထာက္ေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ DVB က က်ေနာ္နဲ႔ BBC က ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ေမ တုိ႔နဲ႔ သီးျခားေတြ႔တဲ့အခါမွာေတာ့ စာေရးဆရာျဖစ္လာပုံ၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ”သူငယ္ခ်င္းလို႔ပဲ ဆက္၍ေခၚ မည္ခုိင္” ၀ထၳဳ ဘယ္လုိေရးျဖစ္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ေမက ေမးပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္အလွည့္ေရာက္တဲ့အခါမွာေတာ့ အလုိက္ကန္းဆုိး မသိတတ္ေသးတဲ့ သတင္းေထာက္ေပါက္စ လည္းျဖစ္၊ နဂုိကတည္းက ဆရာႀကီးကို အျမင္မၾကည္မႈကလည္းရွိေနေတာ့ ဆင္ဆာကိစၥကုိ တန္းေမး မိပါတယ္။ “စာေရးဆရာဆုိတာ ျပင္ပခ်ဳပ္္ခ်ယ္မႈကုိ မေၾကာက္ရဘူး။ တာ၀န္သိတဲ့ စာေရးဆရာတဦး အေနနဲ႔ ကိုယ္ဖာသာ ထိန္းသိမ္းတတ္ရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ေရးေနတာပဲ” လို႔ ဆရာႀကီးက ေျဖပါတယ္။

တကယ္ကေတာ့ ဒီအေျဖေလာက္နဲ႔ တင္းတိမ္သင့္တယ္ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါက အခုမွ စဥ္းစားမိတာပါ။ အဲဒီကာလကေတာ့ ေက်ာင္းေတာ္က ရန္စေတြ၊ အျမင္မတူမႈေတြက ပေရာ္ဖက္ရွင္နယ္ သတင္းသ မားျဖစ္ရမယ္ဆုိတဲ့ခံယူခ်က္ကို လႊမ္းမုိးသြားပုံရပါတယ္။ “ဆရာက လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ေရးလို႔ ရေန တယ္ဆုိေပမယ့္ တခ်ဳိ႕စာေရးဆရာ၊ ကဗ်ာဆရာေတြကေတာ့ စာေရးလို႔ ေထာင္က်ခံရ၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က ျပည္ ပကုိ ထြက္ေျပးရ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ အဲဒါ ဆရာနဲ႔သူတို႔ ဘာကြာလို႔လဲ” ဆုိၿပီး ေမးခ်လုိက္မိပါတယ္။

ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ေမက မ်က္စိမ်က္နွာပ်က္ၿပီး ဆက္မေမးဖို႔ က်ေနာ့္ကို လက္တို႔ သတိေပးပါတယ္။ “အဲဒါက စာေပကိစၥ တခုတည္းေၾကာင့္ ဟုတ္ရဲ႕လားဗ်ာ” လို႔ ဆရာႀကီးကေျပာၿပီး မ်က္နွာလည္း အ ေတာ္ ပ်က္သြားပါတယ္။ ဒါကုိရိပ္မိတဲ့ ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္္ေမက ၾကားျဖတ္၀င္လာၿပီး ဆရာသက္ေသာင့္ သက္သာျဖစ္မယ့္ ေမးခြန္းေတြနဲ႔ စကားလမ္းေၾကာင္း လႊဲလုိက္ပါတယ္။

ၿပီးေတာ့ ႐ုပ္ရွင္ျပပြဲစမယ္ဆုိလို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔အားလုံး အခန္းထဲ ၀င္လုိက္ၾကပါတယ္။ ႐ုပ္ရွင္ မျပခင္မွာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကပဲြလုပ္ၿပီး ဆရာခ်စ္ဦးညိဳကုိယ္တုိင္ ဒႆဂီရိအက ကေနတာကို ေတြ႔လုိက္ရပါတယ္။ က ပဲြနဲ႔ ႐ုပ္ရွင္ျပပဲြအၿပီးမွာေတာ့ ဆရာတကၠသိုလ္ဘုန္းႏိုင္ရဲ႕ စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္ေတြ၊ ေလးစားသူေတြက ဆ ရာႀကီးကို ထုိင္ကန္ေတာ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဘီဘီစီက ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ေမလည္း ပရိသတ္ေတြနဲ႔အတူ ထုိင္ ကန္ေတာ့ဖို႔ျပင္ေနေတာ့ က်ေနာ္လည္း အားလုံးနဲ႔အတူ ထုိင္ကန္ေတာ့မယ္လို႔ ျပင္လိုက္ပါတယ္။

“တခ်ိန္က ငါတို႔ရဲ႕ ဒီမုိကေရစီအခြင့္အေရး ေတာင္းဆုိဆႏၵျပပြဲကုိ တားဆီးခဲ့သူတဦးကို ငါ ကန္ေတာ့ လုိက္မယ္ဆုိရင္ တသက္လုံး လုပ္လာခဲ့တဲ့ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအေပၚ သစၥာေဖာက္ရာ က်သြားေလမလား” ဆုိၿပီး က်ေနာ့္စိတ္ထဲ စဥ္းစားခ်က္၀င္လာပါတယ္။ စိတ္ထဲမွာလည္း ဘာကိုအလုိမက်မွန္း မသိဘဲ တင္းက်ပ္သလုိလုိ၊ အသက္႐ွဴက်ပ္သလုိလုိနဲ႔ ေခြ်းျပန္လာတဲ့အတြက္ လူအုပ္ၾကားထဲကေန အခန္း အျပင္ဘက္ အျမန္ထြက္လုိက္ရပါတယ္။ က်န္တဲ့ ပရိသတ္ေတြကေတာ့ ဆရာႀကီးကုိ လက္အုပ္ခ်ီ ကန္ေတာ့၊ ဆရာႀကီးကလည္း ဆုမြန္ေကာင္းေတြ ေျခြလို႔ေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ “ရန္-ငါ စည္းျပတ္ရ မယ္” ဆုိတဲ့ စဥ္းစားခ်က္ႀကီး၀င္လာၿပီး ေနာက္ျပန္ မလွည့္ေတာ့ဘဲ ခ်ဴလာေလာင္ကြန္း တကၠသိုလ္ ၀င္း ထဲကေန ထြက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

အဲဒီေန႔ကစၿပီး ဆရာႀကီးကို လူခ်င္းေတြ႔လ်က္နဲ႔ မကန္ေတာ့့ျဖစ္လုိက္တဲ့ က်ေနာ္ဟာ ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္အေပၚ ေန႔စဥ္လုိလုိ စဥ္းစားေနမိပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးမႉး ဗုိလ္မႉးၾကီးေက်ာ္သိန္းတို႔လုိ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ကုိလက္ဆဲြနႈတ္ဆက္ၿပီး ''အနေႏၲာအနႏၲ ၅ ပါးထဲမွာပါတဲ့ ဆရာသမားေတြကို ဘာလို႔ႏႈတ္ မဆက္ ရဲ၊ မကန္ေတာ့ ရဲခဲ့တာလဲ” လုိ႔ ကိုယ့္ဘာသာေမးခြန္းထုတ္ေနမိပါတယ္။

တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ သက္ၾကီးး၀ါႀကီး ဆရာႀကီးအေပၚ မထီမဲ့ျမင္ ျပဳခဲ့မိေလသလားဆုိၿပီးလည္း စဥ္းစား ေနမိပါတယ္။ တခါ တကၠသိုလ္မွာတုန္းက ဆရာႀကီးဘက္က က်ေနာ္တို႔လုပ္ရပ္ကုိ တားျမစ္တယ္ဆုိ တာကလည္း အစိုးရအႀကိဳက္ လုိက္လုပ္တာမ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ဘဲ လြန္လြန္ကြ်ံကြ်ံ မျဖစ္ေအာင္ တာ၀န္အရ ေခၚေျပာရတာမ်ဳိးေရာ မျဖစ္နုိင္ဘူးလားလို႔ ျပန္စဥ္းစားေနမိပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိနဲ႔ ေနာက္တခါ ဆရာႀကီးနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ရင္ေတာ့ အရင္ကျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြကို ျပန္ေျပာျပၿပီး အေသအခ်ာ ေတာင္းပန္ကာ ထုိင္ကန္ေတာ့မယ္ လို႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္ပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ေနာက္က်သြားခဲ့ပါၿပီ။ ဆရာ့ကို က်ေနာ္ ေနာက္တႀကိမ္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ျပန္ေတြ႔ခြင့္ မရနုိင္ ေတာ့ပါ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိရင္ အသက္ ၇၂ နွစ္အရြယ္ ဦးခင္ေမာင္တင့္ ေခၚ စာေရးဆရာႀကီး တကၠ သိုလ္ဘုန္းႏိုင္ဟာ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနွစ္ ေမလ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႔က သံလ်င္ေနအိမ္မွာ ကြယ္လြန္သြားၿပီဆုိတဲ့ သ တင္းကုိ ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာ နာေရးမွာ ္ေတြ႔လုိက္ရလို႔ပါ။ တခါက သူ႔တပည့္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ သူပုန္ လူထြက္သတင္းေထာက္ က်ေနာ့္အျဖစ္ကုိ တမလြန္ဘ၀က ဆရာႀကီး တကၠသိုလ္ဘုန္းႏိုင္ နားလည္ ေပးနုိင္ပါေစလို႔ ဆုေတာင္း႐ုံမွတပါး က်ေနာ္ ဘာမ်ားတတ္ႏိုင္ဦးမည္နည္း။     ။


Monday, July 14, 2014

အခြန္လြတ္ ေနာ္ေဝ ေဟာလီးေဒးႏွင့္ ဆက္ေၾကးေကာက္ ျမန္မာျပည္

သူ႔အေတြး သူ႔အျမင္

  
အခြန္လြတ္ ေနာ္ေဝ ေဟာလီးေဒးႏွင့္ ဆက္ေၾကးေကာက္ ျမန္မာျပည္
ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းလွပတဲ့ ေနာ္ေဝဟာ ႏိုင္ငံသားေတြသာမက တျခားႏိုင္ငံက ခရီးသြားေတြကိုလည္း လာလည္ခ်င္စရာ ျဖစ္တယ္

ဇြန္လအကုန္ ဇူလုိင္လထဲေရာက္တာနဲ႔ ေနာ္ေ၀းနဲ႔ အေနာက္ကမၻာမွာ ေႏြရာသီ ေဟာလီးေဒး Holiday သုိ႔မဟုတ္ နွစ္ပတ္လည္ Vacation ရာသီစပါျပီ။ အတိအက်ေျပာရမယ္ဆုိရင္ ဇူလုိင္လ ဒုတိယ သတင္းပတ္အစ ၇ ရက္ေန႔ကေန တတိယ သတင္းပတ္ အကုန္ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔အထိ၊ ဒီက အေခၚတုိင္း ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ သတင္းပတ္ အမွတ္ ၂၈ ကေန ၃၀ အထိ သတင္း ၃ ပတ္ကုိ ေႏြရာသီေဟာလီးေဒး ကာလအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားတာပါ။ အစုိးရရံုးေတြ၊ ေက်ာင္းေတြ အပါ၀င္ လုပ္ငန္းဌာနအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ပိတ္ျပီး ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ အားလုံးနီးပါး အပန္းေျဖခရီးထြက္ၾကပါတယ္။

တခ်ဳိ႕ဆုိရင္ ဇူလုိင္လအထိမေစာင့္ပဲ ဇြန္လ ၂၁ ရက္၊ ေန႔တာအရွည္ဆုံးေန႔ကတည္းက ေဟာလီးေဒးယူ သြားၾကပါျပီ။ တခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ ေဟာလီးေဒးမန္းနီး ကုိယ့္ဘဏ္ထဲ၀င္လာတဲ့ ဇြန္လေနာက္ဆုံးသတင္းပတ္မွာ ခရီးထြက္ၾကပါတယ္။ အဲဒီထဲမွာ ေနာ္ေ၀းေရာက္ျမန္မာေတြလည္း ဘယ္နည္းပါ့မလဲ။ တခ်ဳိ႕က အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ဥေရာပနုိင္ငံေတြဆီ သြားလည္ၾကျပီး တခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံက မိဘေဆြမ်ဳိးေတြဆီ ျပန္လည္ၾကတာ ဒါဇင္နဲ႔ခ်ီ ေတြ႔ေနရပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္လဲ ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္ဇြန္လတုန္းက ေဟာလီးေဒးအျဖစ္ သတင္းေလးပတ္ခြင့္ယူျပီး ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံဆီ ျပန္လည္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ”မင္းက အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ဆုိေတာ့ တခ်ိန္လုံးအားေနတာပဲ မဟုတ္ဘူးလား။ ေဟာလီးေဒး ထပ္ယူစရာလုိေသးလုိ႔လား” ဆုိျပီး မိတ္ေဆြတခ်ဳိ႕က ေနာက္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ျပႆနာက သူတုိ႔နားလည္ထားတဲ့ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံက အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ ၁၀၉၊ ၁၀၁ ဆုိတဲ့လူေတြနဲ႔ ဒီနုိင္ငံက အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ သို႔မဟုတ္ အလုပ္ရွာေဖြေနသူေတြအျဖစ္ တရား၀င္မွတ္ပုံတင္ထားတဲ့လူေတြၾကား အဓိပၸါယ္ဖြင့္ဆုိခ်က္ မတူပါ။

ဒီနုိင္ငံမွာက အခြန္ေဆာင္ဖူးတဲ့ အလုပ္သမားေတြ အလုပ္ျပဳတ္တဲ့အခါ အစိုးရက အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ ခံစားခြင့္ ေပးရပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ဦးေရ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ရာခုိင္ႏႈန္းရွိတယ္ဆုိတာ သိပ္အေရးၾကီးပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာေတာ့ အလုပ္ရွိသူနဲ႔ အလုပ္မရွိသူ သိပ္မကြဲျပား၊ အလုပ္ရွိသူေရာ အလုပ္မရွိသူ အတြက္ပါ အစိုးရက ဘာမွ လုပ္ေပးဖုိ႔တာ၀န္မရွိေတာ့ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ဦးေရ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရွိလုိ႔ ရွိေနမွန္း အစိုးရကိုယ္တိုင္ သိပုံမရပါ။

ေဟာလီးေဒးဖက္ကုိ ျပန္လွည့္ရမယ္ဆုိရင္ က်ေနာ္ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာေနစဥ္တုန္းက ေဟာလီးေဒးဆုိတာကို ၾကားဖူးသလုိလုိရွိေပမယ့္ တခါမွ မၾကံဳဖူးခဲ့ပါ။ ရြာက လူတခ်ဳိ႔ကေတာ့ ေႏြရာသီ စပါးေပၚျပီးခ်ိန္မွာ အလုပ္နားျပီး ၅၄ ျမိဳ႕ ဘုရားဖူး လုိက္ၾကတာကုိ ေဟာလီးေဒး သြားတယ္လို႔ ေျပာၾကပါတယ္။ ျမိဳ႕ေပၚက မိတ္ ေဆြတခ်ိဳ႕ကေတာ့ သၾကၤန္ကာလမွာ အလုပ္နားျပီး ရြာက မိဘေဆြမ်ဳိးေတြဆီ ျပန္လည္ၾက တာကို ေဟာလီးေဒးသြားတယ္လို႔ ဆုိၾကပါတယ္။ အခုဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ေမာင္းမကန္၊ ေခ်ာင္းသာ၊ ငပလီကမ္းေျခေတြ အထိ။ ပုဂံ၊ ေတာင္သမန္အင္း၊ အင္းေလးအထိ ေငြေၾကးတတ္နုိင္သူတခ်ဳိ႕ ေဟာလီးေဒး သြားေနၾကျပီလုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီလုိ စိတ္ကူးရတဲ့အခ်ိန္ ကိုယ့္အစီစဥ္နဲ႔ကုိယ္၊ ကုိယ့္စရိတ္နဲ႔ကုိယ္ ထသြားတဲ့ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံက ေဟာလီးေဒးနဲ႔ အခု က်ေနာ္ေျပာေနတဲ့ ေနာ္ေ၀းက ေဟာလီးေဒးမတူပါ။ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာ ေဟာလီးေဒးရာသီ သတ္သတ္မွတ္မွတ္ မရွိပါ။ ေဟာလီးေဒးကာလမွာ လစာ ဘယ္လုိေပးသလဲ။ အခြန္ေငြ ဘယ္လုိျပန္အမ္းသလဲဆုိတဲ့ လုပ္ထုံးလုပ္နည္းလည္း မရွိပါ။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ သၾကၤန္ကာလ ၁၀ ရက္မွာ လစာအျပည့္နဲ႔ ေဟာလီးေဒးေပးတာမွအပ တျခားတရား၀င္ေဟာလီးေဒး မရွိေသးတဲ့ သေဘာပါ။

နုိင္ငံျခားသံရံုး၀န္ထမ္းေတြ၊ NGO ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ၊ သတင္းဌာနေတြက မိတ္ေဆြတခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ သူတုိ႔လည္း အေနာက္နုိင္ငံမွာလုိ လစာအျပည့္နဲ႔ ေဟာလီးေဒး တလ (သတင္း ၄ ပတ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က သတင္း ၅ ပတ္) ရတယ္လို႔ ေျပာၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေက်ာင္းဆရာေတြအပါ၀င္ အစုိးရ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ၊ ကုပၸဏီ၀န္ထမ္း ေတြကေတာ့ အခုခ်ိန္ထိ လစာအျပည့္နဲ႔ သတင္း ၄ ပတ္ ေဟာလီးေဒးဆုိတာကို မၾကားဖူးေသးဘူူးလုိ႔ ေျပာၾကပါတယ္။ ၀န္ထမ္းမဟုတ္တဲ့ သာမန္ လက္လုပ္လက္စားေတြဆုိရင္ ေဟာလီးေဒးအေၾကာင္း သိဖုိ႔ေတာင္ မလြယ္တဲ့အေျခေနပါ။

ဒီနုိင္ငံမွာကေတာ့ လူတုိင္း တန္းတူအခြင့္ေရးရွိတဲ့အတြက္ ၀န္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ကေန သာမန္ (အခ်ိန္ျပည့္) အလုပ္သမားအထိ တနွစ္မွာ သတင္းေလးပတ္ကေန ငါးပတ္အထိ လစာအျပည့္နဲ႔ ေဟာလီးေဒး ခံစားခြင့္ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာလုိ သၾကၤန္ရံုးပိတ္ရက္နဲ႔မတူပါ။ တရား၀င္အစိုးရရံုးပိတ္ရက္၊ ဘာသာ ေရးရံုးပိတ္ရက္ေတြနဲ႔ အခု က်ေနာ္ေျပာေနတဲ့ ေဟာလီးေဒး ဘာမွမဆုိင္ပါ။

နွစ္စဥ္ ဒီလုိေဟာလီးေဒး သြားဖုိ႔အတြက္ ေဟာလီးေဒးမန္းနီးဆုိတာ သီးျခားရွိပါတယ္။ ဇြန္လ အတြက္ ၀င္ေငြကို အစိုးရက အခြန္မျဖတ္ေတာ့ပဲ ေဟာလီးေဒးမန္းနီးအျဖစ္ ေပးပါတယ္။ တခါ တနွစ္လုံးအတြက္ အစိုးကုိေဆာင္ထားတဲ့ အခြန္ေငြထဲက လုိအပ္တာထက္ ပုိျဖတ္ထားမိတဲ့အခြန္ေငြကုိ Tax return အျဖစ္ ဇြန္လေနာက္ဆုံးသတင္းပတ္ထဲမွာ ကုိယ့္ဘဏ္ထဲ အစိုးရက ျပန္ထည့္ေပးပါတယ္။ ဒီေငြနွစ္ခုေပါင္းလုိက္ရင္ ခရုိနာနွစ္ေသာင္း (ေဒၚလာ ၃ ေထာင္ေက်ာ္) အထက္ရွိတဲ့အတြက္ တလစာ ခရီးသြားဖုိ႔ ဘာမွ ပူစရာမလုိေတာ့ပါ။

သာမန္အလုပ္သမားတဦးရဲ့၀င္ေငြဟာ ၃ ေသာင္းေက်ာ္ရွိျပီး အခြန္က ၃၅ ရာခုိင္ႏႈန္း ျဖတ္ပါတယ္။ ၁၀၀ ၀င္ရင္ ၃၅ က်ပ္ကုိ အစိုးရကျဖတ္ယူလုိက္ျပီး ကုိယ္က ၆၅ က်ပ္ပဲရတဲ့သေဘာပါ။ အဲဒီလုိျဖတ္ထားတဲ့ အခြန္ေငြေတြဟာ ကုိယ္အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ျဖစ္သြားတဲ့အခါ ၂ နွစ္အထိ ေထာက္ပံ့ေၾကးရနုိင္ပါတယ္။ အခမဲ့ က်န္းမာေရး၊ အခမဲ့ ပညာေရးနဲ႔ အျခားအေရးၾကီးတဲ့ လူမႈဖူလုံေရးကိစၥေတြအတြက္ အစိုးရက ေထာက္ပံ့ေပးပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ နွစ္စဥ္နွစ္တုိင္း အခုလုိ Tax return နဲ႔ ေဟာလီးေဒးမန္းနီးေပးတဲ့ အတြက္ ဒီက လူေတြ အားလုံးနီးပါး ဒီရာသီမွာ ေဟာလီးေဒးယူျပီး ခရီးထြက္ေနၾကတာပါ။

ဒါျဖင့္ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့က ၀င္ေငြလည္း မရွိပဲနဲ႔ ဘယ္လုိလုပ္ ေဟာလီးေဒးမန္းနီးရသလဲလုိ႔ ေမးစရာရွိပါ တယ္။ ေရွ႕မွာ ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့အတုိင္း ဒီက အလုပ္လက္မဲ့က ၂ နွစ္ (သတင္းပတ္ ၅၂ ပတ္) တိတိ မူလ လစာရဲ့ ၆၂ ရာခုိင္ႏႈန္းကုိ ခံစားခြင့္ရွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ခံစားခြင့္ကိုလည္း အခြန္က အလြတ္မေပးပါဘူး။ ၃၀ ရာခုိင္ႏႈန္းေလာက္ အခြန္ျဖတ္တာပါပဲ။ ဒီအတြက္ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့လည္း အလုပ္ရွိတဲ့လူေတြလုိပဲ ဇြန္လမွာ အခြန္မျဖတ္တဲ့ေထာက္ပံ့ေၾကးနဲ႔ အခြန္ျပန္အမ္းေငြရတာေပါ့။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ ခရီးသြားေနတာေပါ့။

ဒီလုိေဟာလီးေဒးေငြနဲ႔ ခရီးထြက္လာၾကတဲ့ အေနာက္တုိင္းသားေတြကုိ ထုိင္းနုိင္ငံက ပင္လယ္ကမ္းေျခ ေတြမွာ အမ်ားအျပား ျမင္ရနုိင္ပါတယ္။ အခုဆုိရင္ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံက ကမ္းေျခေတြ၊ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ ေရွးေဟာင္း နယ္ေျမေတြမွာလည္း ေတြ႔နုိင္ပါတယ္။ သတင္း ၃-၄ ပတ္အတြင္း ဒီလူေတြ သုံးျဖဳန္းတာကိုၾကည့္ျပီး အ ေနာက္တုိင္းသားေတြအားလုံး ေန႔စဥ္ ဒီလုိသုံးျဖဳန္းေနတယ္လို႔ မထင္လုိက္ပါနဲ႔။ ေဟာလီးေဒးရာသီမုိ႔ ေဟာလီးေဒးဆန္ဆန္ သုံးေနတာပါ။ တခ်ဳိ႕ဆုိရင္ အဲဒီတလစာမွာ အလြန္အကြ်ံသုံးမိတဲ့အတြက္ တနွစ္ လုံး အလုပ္လုပ္ျပီး အေၾကြးကတ္ကုိ ျပန္ဆပ္ေနၾကရပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာေတာ့ ဒီလုိေဟာလီးေဒးစနစ္မရွိေသးတဲ့အျပင္ တိက်တဲ့ အခြန္စနစ္ေတြ၊ တေန႔အလုပ္ခ်ိန္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရွိရမယ္ဆုိတာေတြ၊ အနိမ့္ဆုံးလစာ သတ္မွတ္မႈေတြ မလုပ္နုိင္ေသးပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္မွာေတာ့ ရံုးအားရက္အပန္းေျဖဖုိ႔ ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာ လယ္ေတာအိမ္ယာဆုိတာ ရွိေနျပီ လုိ႔ သတင္းေတြထဲဖတ္ရပါတယ္။ အေမရိကန္သမၼတ အုိဘားမားအပါ၀င္ အေနာက္နုိင္ငံက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြလုိ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔၀န္ၾကီးအဖြဲ႔ တနွစ္မွာ သတင္း ၄ ပတ္ ေဟာလီးေဒး ယူ မယူေတာ့ သတင္းေတြထဲ မေတြ႔မိေသးပါ။

အနွစ္ျပန္ခ်ဳပ္ရရင္ေတာ့ ေနာ္ေ၀းနုိင္ငံရဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈစနစ္နဲ႔ လူမႈဖူလုံေရးစနစ္ေကာင္းမြန္ေၾကာင္း အမႊန္းတင္ျခင္းမဟုတ္ပါ။ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံမွာလည္း ဒီလုိစနစ္မ်ဳိး လုပ္နုိင္ရင္ ေကာင္းမလား၊ လက္ရွိျမန္မာ့နုိင္ငံေရးစနစ္က ဆုိရွယ္ဒီမုိကေရစီကုိ ဦးတည္ေနတာလား။ ဘယ္စနစ္ဆီ ဦးတည္ေနတာလဲ။ နုိင္ငံေရးပါတီ ေတြကေကာ သူတုိ႔ပါတီနုိင္ရင္ ဘယ္လုိနုိင္ငံေရးစနစ္မ်ဳိးကို ဦးတည္မယ္လို႔ေၾကညာထားသလဲ။ အခြန္ စနစ္ေတြကို ဘယ္လိုလုပ္ဖို႔ စိတ္ကူးထားသလဲ။

တေလာက ထြက္ေပၚလာတဲ့သတင္းေတြအရဆုိရင္ တနွစ္ကို ၀င္ေငြ သိန္း ၂၀ နွင့္အထက္ (တလကုိ ၀င္ေငြ ၂ သိန္းနီးနီး) ရွိသူတုိင္းကုိ ၀င္ေငြအခြန္ေကာက္မယ္လို႔သိရပါတယ္။ အျမင့္ဆံုးက ၂၅ ရာခုိင္ႏႈန္း (ေငြ ၁၀၀ ၀င္ရင္ အခြန္ ၂၅ ျဖတ္ျပီး ကုိယ္ဘဏ္ထဲ ၇၅ က်ပ္ပဲ၀င္မယ္) ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရတဲ့ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံက လူမ်ားစုၾကီးကေတာ့ ဒီအခြန္စနစ္ကို နားမလည္သလို သိပ္လည္း စိတ္မ၀င္စားၾကပါ။ အစိုးရလုပ္တာ သူတုိ႔နဲ႔မဆုိင္သလုိပါပဲ။ တခါ လစာေပးတဲ့စနစ္ကို ဘဏ္နဲ႔ လြဲ ေပးတဲ့အဆင့္ထိ မသြားနုိင္ေသးတဲ့အတြက္ ဘယ္သူေတြလစာ ဘယ္ေလာက္၀င္ေနမွန္း အစိုးရက စစ္ေဆးဖုိ႔လည္း မလြယ္ေသးပါ။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ဘာျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ၀င္ေငြအခြန္ေကာက္ဖုိ႔ အေသခ်ာျပင္ဆင္ေနျပီဆုိကတည္းက ဒီအခြန္စနစ္အေပၚ နွစ္ဖက္စလုံး (အစိုးရနဲ႔ျပည္သူ) က အေသအခ်ာ နားလည္သေဘာေပါက္ထားဖုိ႔ လုိပါတယ္။ ဒီ အခြန္ေငြေတြကုိ ဘယ္ေနရာေတြမွာ သုံးမွာလဲ။ က်န္းမာေရးနဲ႔ ပညာေရးက႑မွာ သုံးေနတယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာျပီး ေဆးမရွိတဲ့ေဆးရံုနဲ႔ သင္ေထာက္ကူပစၥည္းမရွိတဲ့ စာသင္ေက်ာင္းေတြ ေဆာက္ေပးလုိက္ရံုနဲ႔ မျပီးပါ။ အခမဲ့ေဆးကုသခြင့္၊ အခမဲ့ပညာသင္ၾကားခြင့္၊ အလုပ္သမားေထာက္ပံ့ေၾကးကေန အခုေျပာ ေနတဲ့ ေဟာလီးေဒးမန္းနီးကိစၥအထိ ထည့္သြင္း စဥ္းစားဖုိ႔ လုိပါတယ္။

နုိ႔မုိ႔ရင္ အစိုးရက အခြန္ေကာက္တယ္ဆုိတာဟာ နယ္စပ္က သူပုန္အဖြဲ႔ေတြ ဆက္ေၾကးေကာက္တာနဲ႔ ဘာမွထူးျခားလာဖြယ္ မရွိပါ။ ျပည္သူေတြက ေၾကာက္လုိ႔ေပးေပးလုိက္ရတာပဲရွိျပီး သူတုိ႔အတြက္ အက်ဳိးရွိမယ္ထင္လုိ႔ ယုံယံုၾကည္ၾကည္ေပးလုိက္ရတာမ်ဳိးျဖစ္လာဖုိ႔ မလြယ္ေသးပါ။ အခြန္လဲေကာက္၊ အခြန္ထမ္းျပည္သူေတြအတြက္လည္း အစိုးရဖက္က အစြမ္းကုန္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးနုိင္ေအာင္ စတင္စဥ္းစားဖုိ႔ လုိေနျပီျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း ေဟာလီးေဒးထြက္ဖုိ႔ အထုတ္အပိုးျပင္ေနရင္းနဲ႔ စဥ္းစားေနမိပါတယ္။

စာေရးသူသည္ ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တြင္ အေျခစိုက္ေသာ ေက်ာင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ ABSDF အဖြဲ႕ဝင္ေဟာင္း ျဖစ္ျပီး DVB ၏ သတင္းေထာက္ ေဟာင္းလည္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ယခုအခါ ေနာ္ေဝႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ေနထိုင္လ်က္ ရွိသည္။
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Thursday, July 10, 2014

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