Sunday, December 4, 2011

ေဒၚစုရဲ့ေဆာင္းပါးနဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအတြက္ ျပင္ဆင္မႈတခ်ဳိ့

International Herald Tribune သတင္းစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားတ့ဲ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ေဆာင္းပါး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
(ေနာက္ဆုံးရသတင္းမ်ားကုိ ေအာက္ဆုံးမွာထပ္တုိးေဖၚျပထားပါသည္)



The Essential Flame

Sunday, December 04, 2011

By AUNG SAN SUU KYI
Published: December 2, 2011

Why does change seem so desirable and so exhilarating in our times? Barack Obama’s presidential campaign was fueled by the promise of change. In Burma today there is continuous debate on whether the new government means real change or whether it is no more than the old army dictatorship in new civilian garb. Almost every day I am asked if I believe that measures taken by the new administration should be seen as mere window dressing or as signs of genuine change in the right direction. After 23 years under authoritarian rule, impatience to see and to experience change is understandable. It has been sharpened by events in other parts of the world during 2011.


The political upheavals of the Arab Spring have been of such proportions that fundamental and irreversible changes are expected throughout the Mideast and Arab Africa in 2012, with possible copycat effects elsewhere. Whether such expectations will be fulfilled will depend on many factors, not least the degree of commitment by those who wish to create a brave new future. I’m thinking of commitment here as passion, in the social theorist Max Weber’s sense of passionate dedication to a cause.

Were the peoples of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya led to topple seemingly indestructible regimes by such passion, or were they merely moved by what Weber denigrated as “sterile excitement?” It would surely be sophistry to label as sterile an outcry that led to such convulsive results. It might be argued, though, that the emotion fueling the Arab Spring was the kind that burns itself out speedily, after setting off the first sparks of defiance.

If the original impulse needed some help to turn those first sparks into a full-scale conflagration, another more effective catalyst must have been at work. Could that have been power? People power, or IT power or the power of global democratic solidarity or, simply, in the end, military power, either the use of it or the decision to refrain from using it?

Power is by nature latent until a force sets it in motion. What starts up the engines of power, whether they be tanks and fighter jets and nuclear weapons or diverse individuals linked by a shared cause and modern technology? The means to unleash power that could change frontiers or crush men and their aspirations can become active only when an initial force sweeps away irresolution and inhibitions. The power of defiance, too, needs that first impulse to encourage passive individuals to put aside the inaction fostered by decades of fear or by natural human caution.

So then, is it “passion vs. power?” Does it have to be versus? Are passion and power natural opposites, or mutually exclusive in promoting political change, either of the ordinary variety brought about through constitutional processes in established democracies, or of the revolutionary brand that reshapes the destinies of peoples and nations?

There is also the kind of change that defeats easy categorization. The U.S. presidential election of 2008 was certainly not ordinary, but whether the election of Barack Obama should be regarded as a seismic event in the history of the United States or just a political landmark is a matter of opinion. There can, however, be no controversy about the outcome of the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa; it changed the political landscape of the nation, and it changed perceptions with regard to race and color the world over.

What prevented the now toppled regimes of Tunisia and Egypt from using all their administrative and military might? What convinced the despots of Libya and Syria to make war on their own people? And what made the anti-government forces of Libya and Syria persist even after it was clear the fight would be prolonged and brutal?

Is there not, behind the iron mask of autocracy, the flesh and blood of human will, just as there is a steely, collective will behind a motley, unarmed crowd determined to exercise its right to cry out its woes and perhaps even to take up arms to assert that right? And is not will — which is, after all, deliberate, controlled purpose — closely joined to passion? It may be joined either as an intense, transitory emotion, which may well be no more than “sterile excitement,” or as a long-term, firmly rooted dedication to principles or a cause — something as broad as freedom or as limited as self-preservation.

As a member of a movement that has been engaged in a long struggle to effect change through nonviolent means, I have learned to value above all other attributes in colleagues and supporters disinterested, active commitment. Such commitment is seldom given to pyrotechnic display, but it is always there, and it provides constant assurance that the essential flame that keeps our cause vibrant will not die out. It is passion, not of the sterile breed, but passion that moves hearts and minds and makes history. It is passion that translates into power. When such passion is brought to bear on public issues, it is a potent instrument for political and social change.

In Burma, again and again, the most active members of our party and other forces committed to the struggle have been placed under detention, their voices silenced, their faces almost forgotten by the public. Again and again they have emerged, arousing the world to their cries. In 2002, after I was released from my second term of house arrest, I toured the country, and the commitment of our supporters translated into large, enthusiastic rallies that made the authorities feel the power of our passion. Quite recently, concern over the fate of our Irrawaddy River united peoples from all walks of life. Our passionate appeal for a reappraisal of the dam project was so powerful that the president announced the suspension of the project for the duration of his term.

Can the process be reversed, can power become passion? Power that effects political change cannot be defined as an isolated, unique brand different from all other powers. Party power, money power, media power, pressure group power and many other powers strongly influence political evolution and revolution. Power as the authority of the ruler(s) backed by the machinery of state might, however, be considered a contrast to passion. The distinction between despotic power and democratically invested power is relevant here.

When do those in authority wish to work for political change? The impulse of those who hold the powers of state is generally toward conservation, not transformation. Only when problems arise, and not always then, do rulers begin to consider the need for change. Intelligent rulers are quick to grasp when change becomes unavoidable. But realizing the need for change is not the same as having the means to make it possible.

In pluralistic societies, government alone cannot bring about change. Many other players are involved. The bipartisan negotiations to push through the U.S. debt deal that did not seem to please anybody demonstrated that the president of the United States does not have sufficient means to effect the change that not only he but many of his countrymen consider necessary.

If presidential power can be considered an impetus toward change, it is one that is easily dissipated by other powers. Commitment, perseverance, persuasion, the ability to win hearts and minds can be counterweights to these opposing powers. Passion can fill in the gaps when power alone is not enough.

It is easier for an authoritarian government untroubled by counteracting powers or passions to act in accordance with its own will. A ruthless despot allowed to proceed unchecked can change not just the political scene but the very psyche of a nation. For a time. Under Stalin’s brutal absolutism, terror seeped into the very bones of citizens and made them unrecognizable to themselves. For a time. Then the despot died, and the country woke from its nightmare. People began to ask what had happened and why. Did power alone transform a whole society? What enabled Stalin to exercise power with such single-minded brutality?

Whether Stalin was fired by dedication to a cause or whether personal ambition motivated him, it could be said the element that initially fueled his ruthless machine was passion, albeit of the worst kind. As his iron rule continued, an all-consuming preoccupation with the preservation of his inviolability, obsession rather than passion, moved him to commit some of the greatest political crimes in history.

Stalin was not alone in establishing his reign of terror. Vast numbers collaborated, and some of those who did so consciously and willingly were fired by passion: as commitment to the political and social changes they believed Stalin would achieve for their country or as dedication to the man himself. Power can generate passion; and power needs passion as its agent.

In all its might, power is less self-sufficient than passion; passion generates its own power. Passion is in itself a kind of power that is by its very nature a kinetic force.

Power, on the other hand, tends naturally toward entrenchment. When power moves in the direction of political change, it usually does so because external forces — from popular uprisings to poll predictions — have become irresistible.

Passion is more effective than power as an impetus for political change. Meaningful political change, however, needs to be sustainable. For that, passion and power must work together as mutually supportive partners.

We all wish for change, but there is no guarantee that change will take place or that it will live up to expectations. There is always an element of risk when we step out into the unknown. The greatest challenge for Burma and the countries of the Arab Spring, as well as all peoples who hope to enjoy the flowers and fruits of their endeavors in 2012, will be to bring wisdom to bear on passion and power, to create a blend of the two that is both effective and wholesome.

Aung San Suu Kyi was born in 1945 in Burma, now called Myanmar. Her father, the nation’s independence hero, was assassinated when she was 2. She left the country as a teenager when her mother was named an ambassador, then returned from Britain in 1988 and became a pro-democracy leader. She won the Nobel Peace Price in 1991, one of 15 years she spent under house arrest. ........................................................................................................
ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ၃ ရာေက်ာ္မွာ NLD ရံုးေတြ ျပန္ဖြင့္မည္

2011-12-04 (RFA)
ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေကာ္မရွင္က ပါတီ မွတ္ပံုတင္ခြင့္ ျပဳလိုက္ၿပီဆိုရင္ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖဲြ႔ခ်ဳပ္ NLD အေနနဲ႔ ၁၉၈၈- ၈၉ ခုႏွစ္ ပါတီ တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့စဥ္ ကာလအတိုင္း ၿမိဳ႕နယ္တိုင္းမွာ စည္းေကာ္မတီ နဲ႔ ရံုးခဲြေတြ ျပန္ဖဲြ႔စည္းဖို႔ စီစဥ္ေနတယ္လုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။

(Photo: AFP)
‘ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္အတူ...’ ဟူေသာ စာတမ္းပါ တီရွပ္ဆင္တူ ဝတ္ဆင္၍ ႏိုဝင္ဘာ ၁၂ ရက္က အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ ႐ံုးေရွ႕တြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လြတ္လာမည္ဟု ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ ေစာင့္ဆိုင္းေနသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ (Photo: AFP)
NLD ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္ ဦးအုန္းႀကိဳင္က အာအက္ဖ္ေအကို အခုလို ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ၿမိဳ႕နယ္တုိင္းမွာ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္စည္းေကာ္မတီေတြ၊ ရံုးေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီ ေနာက္ပိုင္းက်ေတာ့ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳး ႏွိပ္ကြပ္ခံရတာနဲ႔၊ အခ်င္းခ်င္းထဲမွာ ဟုိဟာ မျဖစ္တာနဲ႔၊ ေနာက္ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္တခ်ိဳ႕က ဆုိင္းဘုဒ္ေတြဘာေတြ ျပဳတ္က် ဆုိတာနဲ႔ ရံုးေတြ မဖြင့္ႏုိင္ေတာ့တာ။ အခု ျပန္ၿပီး စည္းရံုးမယ္ဆိုရင္ ရည္ရြယ္ထားတာေတာ့ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္တုိင္းမွာ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္စည္းေကာ္မတီေတြ ဖြဲ႔ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ႀကိဳးစားဖို႔ ရည္ရြယ္ထားတယ္။ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ေပါင္းက တျပည္လံုးမွာ ၃၁၄ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ အခု ထပ္ၿပီး ျပင္ဆင္တာနဲ႔ဆုိရင္ ၃၂ဝ ေက်ာ္မယ္ ထင္တယ္”

တရားဝင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီအျဖစ္ ရပ္တည္ခြင့္ရတာနဲ႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရမယ့္ လုပ္ငန္းတာဝန္ေတြ အမ်ားအျပား ရွိေနတာေၾကာင့္ အခုကတည္းက ႀကိဳတင္စီမံထားတာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔လည္း သိရပါတယ္။

NLD အေနနဲ႔ ပါတီဝင္ေလွ်ာက္လႊာ ၁ သန္းကိုလည္း ရိုက္ႏွိပ္ၿပီး တႏိုင္ငံလံုးအႏွံ႔ ျဖန္႔ေဝသြားမယ္လို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ အင္တာနက္အြန္လိုင္းက တဆင့္လည္း ေလွ်ာက္လႊာတင္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ စီစဥ္ေနတယ္လို႔ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အာအက္ဖ္ေအ “လူထုနဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္” အစီအစဥ္မွာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ ေျပာဆိုသြားပါတယ္။
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ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း ေကာ့မွဴးမဲဆႏၵနယ္မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုျကည္ ၀င္ျပုိင္မည္။
Monday, 05 December 2011 08:21
DASSK_01ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ လာမည့္ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ေကာ့မွဴးမဲ ဆႏၵနယ္၌ ဝင္ေရာက္ အေရြးခ်ယ္ခံမည္ဟု အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ (NLD) မွ ဗဟိုအလုပ္မႈေဆာင္ တစ္ဦးက ေျပာၾကားသည္။ ဤမဲဆႏၵနယ္သည္ ၊ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ေနရာ၌ အႏိုင္ရသြားေသာ ႀကံ႕ခိုင္ေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးပါတီ အမတ္ ဦးစိုးတင့္ေနရာျဖစ္ျပီး သူသည္ေဆာက္လုပ္ ေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာနမွ ဒုဝန္ႀကီးရာထူး ရရွိသည့္အတြက္ လစ္လပ္သြားသည့္ေနရာျဖစ္ပါသည္။

လစ္လပ္ေနရာ ၄၈ေနရာတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္၌ ၄၀ေနရာ၊ အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္၌ ၆ေန ရာႏွင့္ တိုင္းေဒသႀကီး လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ ၂ေနရာ ျဖစ္ျပီး ေနရာ အားလံုးကို NLD က၀င္ျပိဳင္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။NLD ပါတီသည္ လာမည့္သတင္းအပတ္အတြင္း ပါတီမွတ္ပံု တင္ခြင့္ရမည္ ျဖစ္ သည့္အတြက္ လစ္လပ္မဲဆႏၵနယ္မ်ားတြင္ ေအာင္ႏိုင္ေရးအဖြဲ႕မ်ား ဖြဲ႕စည္းေတာ့မည္ျဖစ္သည္။
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ေနာက္ဆုံးရသတင္း....

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NLD ပါတီ တနသာၤရီတုိင္းအတြက္ျပင္ဆင္။ ေဒါက္တာတင္မ်ဳိး၀င္း က်ြန္းစုမွာ၀င္ျပုိင္မယ္လို့သတင္းထြက္ေန

ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၆-ရက္။ ၂၀၁၁။

ေရွ့နွစ္မွာက်င္းပမဲ့ ျကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကုိ ၀င္ျပိုင္မယ္လုိ့ ေျကျငာထားတဲ့ NLD ပါတီ ဟာ  ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေအာင္နုိင္ေရးအဖြဲ့ကုိ ဗဟုိမွာအျပင္ ျပည္နယ္-တုိင္း-ျမုိနယ္အဆင့္ထိ
ဖြဲ့စည္းေနပီလုိ့သိရပါတယ္။ လစ္လပ္အမတ္ေနရာ အနဲဆုံး ၂-ခုရွိတဲ့ တနသာၤရီတုိင္းအတြက္
ေအာင္နုိင္ေရေကာ္မီတီကုိ မျကာေသးခင္ကဖြဲ့စည္းလုိက္ပီး ဒီေန့မွာေတာ့ ေလာင္းလုံးျမုိ နယ္ ေအာင္နုိင္ေရးေကာ္မီတီကုိ အဖြဲ့၀င္ ၂၁-ဦးနဲ့ဖြဲ့စည္းလုိက္ေျကာင္း ပါတီ၀င္တဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။

တနသာၤရီတုိင္း ေလာင္းလုံျမုိနယ္မွာ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၆-ရက္ေန့က က်င္းပတဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ေအာင္နုိင္ေရး ေကာ္မီတီအစည္းေ၀း
(ဓါတ္ပုံနဲ့အခ်က္လက္ ...NLD-ေလာင္းလုံး)

ေလာင္းလုံးျမုိနယ္ NLD ယာယီ-ရံုးခန္းမွာျပုလုပ္တဲ့ အဲဒီအစည္းေ၀းဆီ
ရပ္ကြက္ေက်းရြာအသီးသီးက ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ ၁၀၀-နီးပါး တက္ေရာက္ပီး
အခုလုိဖြဲ့စည္းလုိက္တာလုိ့ အဲဒီပါတီ၀င္ကေျပာပါတယ္။
ဒါဟာ ယာယီ-ေကာ္မီတီသာျဖစ္ပီး ဗဟုိကအတည္ျပုခ်က္ရပီးမွ။ ေနာက္တခါ
ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာ တင္ ထားတဲ့ ပါတီမွတ္ပုံတင္က်လာပီးမွ တရား၀င္ထုတ္ျပန္
မယ္လုိ့သိရပါတယ္။ ဒါအျပင္ ေလာင္းလုံးျမုိနယ္ လြတ္လပ္ အမတ္ေနရာတခု
အတြက္ ၀င္ျပုိင္မဲ့ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းကိုလဲ ဗဟုိဆီ တင္ျပထား
ဆဲျဖစ္တယ္လုိ့ သိရပါတယ္။


အလားတူအစည္းေ၀းတခုကို ျပိီးခဲ့တဲ့ တနဂၤေနြေန့က ထား၀ယ္ျမုိမွာက်င္းပခဲ့ျပီး ထား၀ယ္။ ေလာင္းလုံ။ ေရျဖူ။ သရက္ေခ်ာင္း ၄-ျမုိနယ္က ကို္ယ္စားလွယ္ေတြတက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအစည္းေ၀းကေန ခရုိင္ေအာင္နုိင္ေရးေကာ္မီတီကို ဖြဲ့စည္းခဲ့ပါယ္။ အမတ္ေနရာ တေနရာလြတ္ေနတဲ့ က်ြန္းစုျမုိနယ္နဲ့ ျမိတ္ခရုိင္ ေအာင္နုိင္ေရးေကာ္မီတီ ကို ေတာ့ မျကာခင္မွာ ဆက္လက္ဖြဲ့စည္းသြားမယ္လုိ့ ပါတီ၀င္ေတြကေျပာပါတယ္။

တနသာၤရီတုိင္းမွ ျပည္သူ့လြတ္ေတာ္အတြက္ ေလာင္းလုံနဲ့ ကြ်န္းစုျမုိုနယ္ ၂-ေနရမွာလြတ္လပ္ေနပီး တုိင္းေဒသျကီးအတြက္ တေနရာကုိေတာ့ အတိအက်မသိရေသးပါဘူး။ အဲဒီ ေနရာဟာ လက္ရွိ တုိင္းအစိုးရ၀န္ျကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဦးခင္ေဇာ္-ေနရာျဖစ္ပီး သူကိုရာထူူးကျဖုတ္လုိက္ပီ လုိ့သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေနေပမဲ့ အခုခ်ိန္ထိ တရား၀င္ျပန္တန္းထုတ္ျပန္တာမရွိေသးဘူး လုိ့ ေဒသခံေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။

တနသာၤရီတုိင္းရွိ ေအာင္နုိင္ေရး ေကာ္မီတီေတြအတြက္ အဓိကတာ၀န္ယူေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသူကေတာ့ တနသာၤရီတုိင္း NLD အတြင္းေရးမႈး ဦးေအာင္စုိးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လက္ရွိတနသာၤရီတုိင္း ဥကၠဌကေတာ့ ဦးလွမင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီေကာ္မီတီကိုလဲ ျပန္လည္တုိးခ်ဲ့ဖြဲ့စည္းမယ္လုိ့သိရပီး တုိင္းေအာင္နုိင္ေရး ဦးစီးေကာ္မီတီ ၁၅-ဦးကုိ ယာယီ ေရြးခ်ယ္ထားတယ္လုိ့ ပါတီသတင္းရပ္ကြက္တခုကေျပာပါတယ္။

ထူးျခားတာကေတာ့ အဲဒီ ၁၅-ဦးထဲမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုျကည္ရဲ့မိသားစု
ဆရာ၀န္ ေဒါက္တာတင္မ်ဳိး၀င္း ပါ၀င္ေနပါတယ္။ ဒါအျပင္ ျမိတ္သားတဦးျဖစ္တဲ့
ေဒါက္တာတင္မ်ဳိး၀င္းဟာ လစ္လပ္ေနတဲ့ က်ြန္းစုျမုိနယ္ အမတ္ေနရာအတြက္ ၀င္ျပုိင္မယ္လုိ့သတင္းေတြထြက္ေနပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အခုျပင္ဆင္မႈေတြအားလုံးဟာ
ယာယီ-ျကုိတင္ျပင္ဆင္မႈေတြသာျဖစ္ေသးတဲ့အတြက္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေကာ္မရွင္က
မွတ္ပုံတင္က်ပီးမွ။ သူတုိ့ရဲ့တင္ျပခ်က္ေတြကို ဗဟုိကအတည္ျပုပီးမွ အတိအက် သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္နုိင္မယ္လုိ့ ထား၀ယ္ နဲ့ ေလာင္းလုံးေဒသရွိ NLD-ပါတီ၀င္ေတြ
ရဲ့ေျပာျကားခ်က္အရ သိရပါတယ္။







(ဒီဇယားကုိ မဇ်ိမ သတင္းဌာနမွ တဆင့္ယူထားပါသည္)
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 ေနာက္ဆုံးရသတင္း....


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